The DA's brand of 'Non - white' leaders in Post-Apartheid South Africa

On the 12th September 2013 historians reminded us of the tragic death of Steve Bantu Biko by the brutal Apartheid regime in 1977. Perhaps it is important to reflect on some of his observations back then and take note of similar observations today. One such observation is the existence of "non-whites" and the distinction between 'blacks' and 'non - whites.' Such a profound distinction was made by Biko in a paper produced for the South African Students' Organization in 1971.

It is in this very paper where Biko argues that the term black is not necessarily all inclusive and that "the fact we are all not white does not necessarily mean that we are all black." (Biko, 1971) He argues that "being black is not a matter of pigmentation - being black is a reflection of a mental attitude." (Biko, 1971) Biko goes further to argue that if one aspires to be white but because of the colour of their skin attainment of this is impossible, then that person is not 'black' but 'non-white.' The question one must ask today is how he knew it to be true when he said that "Non-whites do exist and will continue to exist and will continue to exist for quite a long time." (Biko, 1971)

When one observes the utterances and aspirations of some in society today such as the DA's very own Mbali Ntuli for example, it comes as no surprise that indeed Steve Biko was right to make the distinction between 'blacks' and 'non-whites.' In fact one would go as far as to argue that most of the DA's so called 'black' leaders can better be described as 'non - whites' according to Biko's definition of the term 'black.' I have no doubt that someone like Mbali Ntuli would have served the Apartheid regime with the utmost pride believing as Biko would argue that only 'non-whites' can govern, become economists or engineers and we 'blacks' are bound to nothing more than perpetual servitude.

Political parties such as the DA have attracted and even developed a cohort of 'non-white' leaders in the likes of Musi Maimane, Mbali Ntuli and Lindiwe Mazibuko to name but a few. The inability of Maimane for example to explain the DA's position on Black Economic Empowerment and whether he is for or against it is exactly because of the term 'black' in Black Economic Empowerment that Maimane simply cannot relate to as a 'non-white' himself. In fact he openly distanced himself from the use of the term 'black' in BEE policy on a recent radio interview. This symbolizes an implicit sin embroiled in being 'black' for those who choose to be 'non-white' instead.

I laughed with disgust when another DA 'non-white' leader in Mbali Ntuli criticized senior managers of the NYDA for receiving bonuses during the last financial year. At first I accepted it as the remarks of an angry young woman but then Biko's observations came to mind to describe such attacks. For a 'non - white' leader like Mbali Ntuli it is not possible for a 'black' person to receive such a large sum of money even if they do deserve it.

This is exactly why the first and only newspapers to extensively cover her attacks on black senior managers at the NYDA were the Afrikaans newspapers of the Beeld, Burger, and Volksblad only because they share her sentiments. It never crossed her mind that perhaps these proud 'black' senior managers who are technocrats and not politicians actually fulfilled all the individual performance requirements to justify their individual performance bonuses.

For it simply can't be possible for a 'black' man or woman to receive such glory and recognition. As Biko would argue, for 'whites' and 'non-whites' there is a need to create and sustain a social distance from the 'blacks' who are not intelligent nor capable enough to be leaders or professionals in their own right. Hence the consistent attacks on 'black' leaders by the new breed of 'non-white' leaders working together with white monopoly capital. For these 'non-whites' the only way to be considered as 'good enough' is to be associated with 'whites', their culture, their values, their education, their traditions and their outlook to life.

Another attribute of being 'non-white' is a fixation on reforming the system and working within it rather than transforming it. Biko argues that 'blacks' are more concerned with transforming the system 'to make of it what they wish." However the proposals by leading 'non-white' figures in the DA indicates a deliberate attempt to work within the system by introducing a youth wage subsidy and reforms on BEE for example. Their current attitude to reform BEE in order to make it a 'better fit' for a capitalist economy and for 'better control' by white monopoly capital is an example of 'non-white' thinking to make the system more 'normal' and 'acceptable' to white monopoly capital.

Perhaps a history lesson by Biko would inform and educate Ms. Ntuli and the rest that in fact we are all oppressed by the same system albeit at varying degrees. That most important is the commitment to a better, more prosperous society progressively liberating itself from the bondages of Imperialism. Unfortunately such commitment can only be expected from white and black revolutionaries who would be willing to sacrifice their lives for the greater good. Such revolutionaries can only be found in revolutionary parties. Perhaps this is the reason we have parties like the DA to cater for those 'whites' and 'non-whites' who have sold their souls to a society of others and not of their own.

Aluta Continua

Yershen Pillay is YCL National Chairperson

This article first appeared in the Bottomline, the online journal of the Young Communist League.

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