UMRABULO SPECIAL EDITION – POLICY CONFERENCE 2022 – DISCUSSION DOCUMENTS

THE YEAR OF UNITY AND RENEWAL TO DEFEND AND ADVANCE SOUTH AFRICA’S DEMOCRATIC GAINS

***

ANC Organisational Renewal: Progress and Challenges

“In a crisis, what was once unthinkable can suddenly become inevitable.” - Rutger Bregman

INTRODUCTION

1. The 1994 transition meant a fundamental shift in how the ANC carried forward its mission, as it emerged as the governing party after the first non-racial democratic elections. For the first time in its history, it had the responsibility and opportunity to put into practice its policies of a different South Africa, envisaged in the African Claims of 1943, the Women’s Charter of 1954, the Freedom Charter in 1955, the Harare Declaration (1988), Ready to Govern (1992), the Reconstruction and Development Programme of 1994; and a host of other policies it developed over the decades. This was captured in its 1994 elections slogan of A Better Life for All. Sekunjalo.

2. Twenty-five years later, our movement face an existential crisis, which countless national gatherings since the 1997 National Conference in Mahikeng has highlighted. The 54th National Conference, and the Policy conference that preceded it, spent much of its deliberations on this existential crisis. At the end of Conference, the Declaration called for a “deliberate and sustained programme of unity and renewal”, based on what Strategy and Tactics (2017) calls ‘strategic interventions of re-engineering, renewal and regeneration’.

3. The 54th Conference identified the problems which renewal, regeneration and re-engineering must address, in order to carry forward its mission as a liberation movement and as a governing party:

Problem statement 1: A distant inward- looking ANC unable to be agents of change and connect with communities, the motive forces, and sectors of society, out of touch with our constituency, and not schooled in the values and goals of the ANC. Leaders and members who lack basic leadership, organising and communication skills, and are unable to motivate and mobilise activists, civil society, supporters, and voters. This is reflected in the ANCs declining electoral support, including the loss of a majority in five out of eight metros. This also includes the re-emergence of careerism, previously noted in the 1997 ANC 50th National Conference by then President, Comrade Nelson Mandela, with ANC membership seen as a means to advance personal ambitions to attain positions of power and access to resources for their won individual gratification.

Problem statement 2: An ANC that is increasingly losing credibility and trust from the people because of its performance in delivering a better life for all, corruption, and state capture, and because we are not seen to be “managing state resources for the benefit of our people, effectively, efficiently and economically”. We undertook to build a developmental state as a major instrument of transformation, and yet our people no longer believe that we have ‘good plans to create jobs and change the economy.’

4. The ANC Veterans League document on ANC Renewal also draws attention to the fact that during the years serving as governing party, the movement:

- Attracted into its ranks people who did not support its policies, principles, and values, who were characterised as opportunists and careerists.

- These people joined the ANC to access state power and to use this to promote their personal interests, including self-enrichment.

- While this negative development was discussed at successive conferences of the ANC since 1994, the movement failed to act against this phenomenon.

- As a result, the numbers of these opportunists and careerists in the ranks of the ANC grew in numbers to such an extent that they impact on the very behaviour of the ANC; and,

- Therefore, the existence of a large contingent of opportunists and careerists within the ranks of the ANC accounts for the high levels of corruption and theft of public resources which have come to characterise our governance system.

5. In addition, the point has also been made that during the years of struggle, the apartheid regime infiltrated many agents into the ANC and the rest of the democratic movement.

- The movement failed to identify and remove all these enemy agents from its ranks. It would be safe to assume that some of these agents have continued to work as an essential part of the counter-revolution.

- It is obvious that a combination of such agents, opportunists and careerists cannot but mean that the ANC will be afflicted by the negative tendencies mentioned earlier.

6. It is also important to note that as early as in 1997, the Strategy and Tactics document adopted at the 50th National Conference of the ANC drew attention to the threat of counter-revolution in these words:

"Counter-revolution can be defined as a combination of aims and forms of action that are mainly unconstitutional and illegal, to subvert transformation. Uppermost in the immediate objectives of these counter-revolutionary forces is to disorganise, weaken and destroy the ANC, the vanguard of the NDR, both from within and from outside its ranks. It is in the interest of these elements that the masses of the people should be left leaderless and rudderless, and thus open to manipulation against their own interests. Counter- revolutionary mobilisation can only take root if there are real grievances to exploit, whether these grievances are deliberately engineered or not.

The democratic movement itself needs at all times to be vigilant that its own actions and omissions do not assist such mobilisation."

7. Many of these issues are not new, but the general agreement is that it has reached such an advanced stage, that has led to an existential crisis for the ANC. Existential, not so much that the ANC may cease to exist, but that its historic role in the South African polity, its unity of purpose, values and standing amongst the people have been battered to such an extent, that its very character as a people’s movement and agent for change is under mortal threat.

8. Renewal, re-engineering and regeneration therefore has to focus on the vital matters of the renewal of the values and integrity of the Movement, identifying and developing cadres who would be loyal to those values and the of strengthening our common vision for South Africa and the achievement of our organisational mission.

A RESILIENT REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT

9. The ANC since its inception has been a revolutionary movement and an agent for change, always seeking to act with and in the interest of the people, that adapts to external and internal challenges and changes. Few political organisations and parties survive for more than a century, weathering local, continental, and global changes, but its ability and resilience to adapt to external and internal changes stood it in good stead. This resilience has characterised the ANC over the decades of struggle and into laying the foundations for a new democratic order.

10. Born at the turn of the last century, the ANC was formed against the backdrop and in response to the Union of South Africa of 1910 and the 1913 Land Act, the growth of the mining-energy industrial complex, the consolidation of colonialism of a special type and patriarchy, the growth of volkskapitalisme in tandem with grand apartheid, becoming a mass movement in the 50’s, banning and exile, and the transition of 1994. It lived through two World Wars, the consolidation, struggles against and dismantling of colonialism, through the 1917 Russian Revolution and the 1918 Spanish Flu, the Great Depression of the 1930’s, the Cold War, the fall of the Berlin War in 1989, the war on terror, unilateralism, multilateralism, structural adjustment programmes, globalization, rising neoliberalism, the growth of regional blocks and recently through the global Covid 19 pandemic.

11. Organisationally, these 110 years were challenging, with ebbs and flows, and sometimes with its very existence in question. And yet, the ANC continued to regenerate, renew and re-engineer its mission and itself, even after a range of factors placed its survival as an organisation and leader of progressive forces into serious doubt during the late 1920s and 1930s.

It survived the severe repression, mass detentions, banning of its allies and leaders, treason trials and the steady advance of grand apartheid and consolidation of apartheid colonialism and patriarchy in the 40s to 60s. The ANC adapted to and emerged intact after illegality and thirty years of exile – from its banning in 1960, with large numbers of its leadership and activists in prison or banned – to its unbanning in 1990.

12. The various elements which made it possible for the movement to renew, re- engineer and regenerate itself over the decades include: a commitment to its progressive ideals and mission; selfless and courageous leadership and cadreship; putting the interest of the people and the country first; understanding of the balance of forces, and strategy and tactics; and continually building the capabilities of cadres and the organisation to implement and account for the tasks at hand. In addition, it managed to establish and keep a disciplined underground presence throughout the country.

13. As we face this existential crisis, we must ask therefore ask the question whether we have what it takes to pull the Movement from the brink, and drive a successful programme of renewal and unity, as urged by Conference.

A RESILIENT REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT, WITH A REVOLUTIONARY MISSION AND TASKS

14. Despite these existential challenges, there is ironically agreement about the mission, character, and tasks of the ANC in the current period. This consensus is contained in Strategy and Tactics (1997/2017), which articulates the central mission of the ANC as the liberation of Africans in particular and black people in general from socio- economic bondage, by resolving the fault lines created by apartheid colonialism and patriarchy, and the creation of a National Democratic Society.

15. In this regard, the ANC has national and democratic tasks, listed as:

- A united, democratic, non-racial and non-sexist state based on the will of all people.

- A dignified and rising quality of life among all people by providing for equal rights and opportunities for all citizens.

- The restoration of the birth rights of all South Africans with regards to access to land and other resources.

- A thriving mixed economy, which reflects the natural endowments of the country and the creativity that a skilled population can offer, and that addresses the political economy of the distribution of income and assets, and the reality of white and patriarchal dominance in the economy.

16. The NDR seeks to build the best in human civilisations, in terms of political and human freedoms, the realization of socio-economic rights, value systems and identity. Such human civilization should firstly be based on our ability to continually improve the use of our natural endowments, to turn it to collective human advantage, and ensure its regeneration and sustainable use for future generations. It is secondly based on the management of human relations on the basis of political equality and social inclusion.

17. It is indeed the continuity of this mission of a National Democratic Revolution, social and economic emancipation, and the building of a National Democratic Society, that still defines the ANC as a ‘disciplined force of the left.’

18. Arising from this mission, there is also agreement on the ANC tasks during this phase of the NDR:

(a) To represent, organise and mobilise communities and the motive forces and win their support and elections.

(b) To win and use state power, by building a capable, developmental state, to better the lives of the people and advance towards a National Democratic Society.

(c) To make policies, win broad support for them, implement them through the state and monitor implementation and the impact on the people and transformation.

(d) To transform society through our programmes, values, our integrity, exemplary leadership in society and by winning the battle of ideas in a convincing manner.

(e) To select and deploy capable leaders and public representatives, with integrity, capacity, the correct orientation, and expertise to drive and implement our programmes.

(f) To develop cadres, schooled in our values and policies, with the capacities to be agents of change wherever they are deployed.

19. These tasks in the current phase are indeed revolutionary, and National Policy Conference must review progress we have made in each of these tasks. It will have to honestly reflect on whether we are tackling the organisational challenges identified in the problem statements (para 4), which consistently undermined our capacity to effectively implement these tasks, continues to endanger the building of a National Democratic Society and therefore our character as a revolutionary movement.

A DECISIVE MOMENT FOR RENEWAL

20. The global Coronavirus pandemic has been a grey swan event warned about, but very few in the world were prepared for how quickly it would engulf and affect every country in the world. It has challenged many “established truths”, about the importance of multilateralism and the importance of national institutions. Indeed, that societies with capable developmental states, with universal health coverage and social safety nets, are in better positions to deal with global disasters and its aftermath, than countries without these systems. At the same time, like with other seismic global events such as the Spanish Flu, the Great Depression or World Wars, it provides a window or windows of opportunities for progressive ‘turning of the tides.’

21. In South Africa Covid-19, exposed the ugly face of the structural fault lines of poverty, inequality and unemployment, the ravages of gender-based violence, the festering sores of hunger and food insecurity, the precarity of livelihoods of the majority, and how little it takes to tip millions below the poverty and hunger line. The ANC government must continue to lead the fight for recovery and reconstruction, and to deal with the social and economic crisis, exacerbated by the pandemic, supported by ANC structures at all levels.

22. The movement contests elections, in order to win and use state power to effect transformation and its mission of a National Democratic Society, the electoral decline since 2009 and the devastating results of the 2021 Local Government Elections, are therefore a cause of grave concern. It “represents a serious reversal for the progressive movement and a significant advance for the right-wing forces.”

23. In the 2000 NGC document, “ANC Revolutionary movement and Agent for Change” we identified one of the unique characteristics that sustained the ANC over the decades, as its ability to “identify and seize decisive moments…when the combined elements (for) qualitative movement forward (are) evident.”

24. Decisive moments for organisational renewal can be driven by a number of factors, or one lead factor that provide opportunities for others. These include:

- a burning platform such as losing elections;

- pressure from below or within like was done by the ANC Youth League in 1944;

- re-engineering of organisational culture or structures, like becoming a governing party and the impact of the close alignment of ANC structures and governance structures on leadership in the ANC;

- leadership changes, although we commit to collective leadership, the vision, quality, experience/ capabilities, and style of leadership matters; and lastly,

- an external event or situation, like the Nationalist Party coming to power in 1948, which prompted the 1949 ANCYL Programme of Action or having adoption of armed struggle when the regime closed all peaceful avenues in 1960.

25. Indeed, the range of contemporary issues impacting on the balance of forces – the social and economic impact of Covid-19, the global insecurities caused by the war in Ukraine, changes amongst the motive forces for transformation, the July 2021 unrest, the 2021 local government elections results – all makes the existential crisis facing the movement, and therefore the imperative of renewal a burning platform.

26. Every aspect of the Movement has become so deeply flawed that it is producing deeply flawed results, including its poor implementation of its policies, and episodes of absence of leadership when most needed by the country and society. The ANC’s renewal must be dealt with as a multi- faceted and multi-dimensional process, encompassing ALL aspects of the ANC of today, which must include major policy decisions and changes, constitutional amendments, and re- engineering of several procedural and operational measures. There is no silver bullet.

27. The moment also coincides with other ‘cumulative quantitive conditions and factors’ – the leadership outcomes of NASREC, finally moving forward on the OR Tambo Political School as well as the new online Membership Management System, the potential and push for renewing our other organisational systems, including the system of leadership selection and election; and the strong Conference mandates on issues such as restoring integrity and fighting corruption, and on radical socio-economic transformation.

28. The current crisis forced us to be outwardly looking, to practice community activism and solidarity, to read, to analyse and to engage, to act local and think global. The crisis also mobilised and raised the profile of key government departments, of course Health and COGTA, but also Water and Sanitation, Human Settlements and Housing, Education, and Social Development and economic departments such as Trade and Industry, Employment and Labour, and Small Businesses. Local government and ward councillors must also be more visible, there is potential to generalize the District Development Model beyond the initial pilots, and a critical institution like NEDLAC re-engaged.

29. Of course, we must expect internal resistance to change, and external interference to keep us in the perpetual state of internal conflicts. The reports of abuse of Covid 19 funds and of racketeering, the recent Auditor General report on municipalities, are worrying indicators. Now is the time to build the momentum and implement a sustained programme for organisational renewal!

A SUSTAINED PROGRAMME OF UNITY AND RENEWAL

30. The ANC Strategy & Tactics (2017), adopted by the 54th National Conference a call for “strategic interventions of re-engineering, renewal and regeneration.” What is required are therefore fundamentally looking at our values and cadres (renewal), as well as how we are organised and our capacities for governance, transformation and organisational work (re-engineering), in order to provide the framework for the healing and regeneration of the movement.

31. We must also remind ourselves that already at the 53rd National Conference (2012) the issue of a Decade of Renewal was raised, in order to strengthen the following capabilities, capacities and urgent tasks of the ANC:

a) Capabilities to act as a strategic centre of power and influence, organised along, and effective, in the five pillars of social transformation.

b) Capacity as a vanguard movement for social transformation, to organize and mobilise the motive forces and lead grassroots and sectors in a programme of participatory and mass-based community and sectoral transformation, empowerment, and development.

c) Fast-track a coherent and targeted Cadre policy: recruitment, cadre development, deployment, accountability, and cadre preservation. Through the political school and other programmes, prioritise the political education, general education, academic skills and capabilities of ANC leadership and membership, with special focus on the ANC Youth and Women’s Leagues, with a view to build and cultivate the New Cadre.

d) Speed up Economic Transformation by fast tracking the development of entrepreneurs, small-medium entities, including large-scale infrastructure development and enhancing the capacity of the state to intervene in key sectors of the economy in pursuit of inclusive economic growth and development, employment creation and broad-based empowerment.

e) Build a democratic and capable developmental state, with the agility and resolve to drive and implement the programme of social transformation and the creation of a National Democratic Society.

f) Restoration of the core values of the ANC, ethical conduct, and integrity in society, rooting out factionalism and corruption in its ranks.

g) Education, skills and the development of human capabilities, creativity, dignity, and well-being of all at the centre of social transformation.

h) Our participation in the African renaissance and agenda, and as part of the global progressive forces, towards a peaceful, more just and equitable social, political and economic world, and that is environmentally sustainable.

i) Urgent and practical steps to professionalise and modernise the operations of the ANC, its membership system, introducing technology and progressive management sciences to improve its operations.

j) Political and ideological work amongst the new generations of young people, in all of different sectors and social strata, to reproduce a cadre of responsible citizens and active participants for social transformation.

32. “At the core of the ANC’s tasks in the current period is the renewal of the organisation for it to exercise societal leadership in a changing environment, the consolidation of democracy and the speeding up of programmes of fundamental transformation to attain shared prosperity, social justice, and human solidarity…

33. A strategic centre of power should command both legitimacy and authority, deriving from the quality of its collective ideas and the discipline of its members. It should ensure that its mandate is carried out by its members, wherever they are located. It should be able to monitor and evaluate the implementation of its policies. When and where there are weaknesses – whether these are a result of poor policies, weak implementation, or poor leadership – it should be able to act decisively.” (Strategy and Tactics, 2017

DISCUSSIONS ISSUES ON RENEWAL TASKS

34. The National Policy Conference must review the detailed Conference resolutions adopted before on renewal and deliberate on how we strengthen their implementation.

35. In addition, the following issues require emphasis and attention, as National Policy Conference debates these recommendations on this Decade-long Programme of Renewal:

a) Agreeing on a vision of a Renewed ANC: what would a “renewed ANC” in the current period look like, in relation to the current tasks of the moment and having rid ourselves of the negative tendencies? The NEC has tasked the Renewal Commission to develop a vision for the movement for 2032, when it shall reach its 120- year milestone. This should form the foundation of the renewal action plan, for immediate implementation. Arising from this, the suggestion for simplified booklets in all languages, which explains the crisis we face and what a renewed ANC should look like by the ANCVL should be taken forward

b) Renewing the Cadres of the ANC: when the ANC declared The Year of the Cadre for the first time in 1985, Comrade Oliver Tambo when he delivered the January 8th Address of that year, Comrade Oliver Tambo said: “The strength of any organisation lies in the calibre of its individual members and units… We need cadres of unquestionable loyalty, dedication and understanding of our struggle.” Key to renewal of ANC cadres is a recommitment by cadres to in word and action defend the values and integrity of the movement and to develop cadres who are loyal to the values of the movement and the interests of the people, including the commitments contained in the ANC Oath.

c) The role of leadership in renewal: the impression is oft created, that because leadership are conflicted when we deal with renewal, unity and integrity issues; and they are responsible for deciding on action as per Conference resolutions. Is this ascertaining correct, and if yes, how do we then address this, so that the organisation is able to act decisively to restore integrity and discipline in the movement? How do ensure that:

(i) The leaders we elect are themselves cadres of quality and integrity, who in action and words exemplify the values of the movement, the commitment to the people and transformation and do not bring the ANC into disrepute?

(ii) Our leadership contests are not marred by factionalism, divisions, influenced by various interest groups, but instead reflect the tasks of the movement of the moment and the best cadres to lead these tasks?

d) Dealing with Corruption: Corrupt practices across government, and the perceptions of widespread corruption have become a serious blight, undermining transformation, and the trust of the people. The Zondo Commission reports implicated ANC leaders and members, the Step- Aside Guidelines have been adopted by the NEC, but we still have serious contest on these issues. How do we draw a line on this matter, learning from other examples, so that we can turn the tide?

e) An Accountability and Performance Framework: what should be the main elements of such as Accountability framework, towards building a developmental and effective state, and how do we ensure it works and is adhered to?

f) Role of Leadership Collectives: The ANC Constitution sets out the tasks of the NEC, PEC, REC and BEC – are these structures living up to these tasks, and what roles should be given to each member of these collectives, for example each BEC members assigned a block of streets and to report on issues, etc?

g) ANC Branches, Membership system and Recruitment: how do we ensure conscious recruitment and development of members from amongst the motive forces? Are geographical based branches the best way of recruiting and involving members, what are their strengths and weaknesses? Is it not time to consider other forms of sectoral branches, what form and status should they have, what potential challenges and opportunities? What are the features of the ANC Membership System that must be strengthened so that it combats manipulation and gatekeeping?

h) Elections capacity: how do we win back lost ground in elections since 2009, including voter registration and turnout, youth participation and elections capacity?

i) Mobilising and Organising the Motive forces: what is the ANC standing amongst key sectors of the motive forces today – working class, rural masses, unemployed, youth and women, the middle strata, intelligentsia and professionals, patriotic bourgeoisie? How do we strengthen our strategies and engagements with these different sectors?

j) Strengthen system of leadership selection: Is it not time to review the system of proportionality branch representatives to conferences, which leads to branch processes being subverted and delegates being wooed, simply to add voting numbers? How do we deal with money in our leadership elections processes? Should we give membership a more direct role in electing leadership, beyond just nominating and electing delegates to represent the branch at elective conferences?

RECOMMENDATIONS ON INTERNAL ASPECTS OF RENEWAL

36. Reinvigorating and maintaining an ANC value system, imbued by our traditional tried and tested ANC values and principles and our national constitutional imperatives. Induction courses and continued, regular political education should become a priority and be entrenched in the ANC DNA.

37. The optimal organisational form, including structure, processes, and operations, for the ANC, must be identified and implemented. This requires an urgent broadening and more flexible organisational form, with increased entry points for membership, by introducing, amongst others, sectoral branches in the ANC, in sectors like health, education, and labour, legal and so on, and a recalibration of branches and their role. So, this requires an expansion of the one-dimensional, single geographical point of entry into the ANC, namely membership of the branch where you reside, into multiple entry points into the ANC, by including membership of sectoral branches in the health, education, disabled, legal and so on sectors, into a new ANC organisational form. Simplistically put, a mixture of the present ANC organisational form and the organisational forms of the UDF/MDM. This will require amendments to the ANC Constitution. This is elaborated upon later.

38. A recalibration of our approach to membership recruitment and development is required, to ensure our members are steeped in progressive thought, driven by integrity, dignity, morality, intellectual endeavour, and a strong work ethic, underpinned by an approach of “fewer but better.” This may require a constitutional amendment to introduce a process for reapplication of membership. The introduction of an induction course for aspirant members and introduction of criteria to be applied in the assessment process to decide if a member is fit to be a member of the ANC. The Membership system must be further and continuously strengthened to limit and combat manipulation of the system.

39. A capacitated, diverse, and progressive political leadership core, with the collective skillsets needed, imbued by the values articulated in the “Through the Eye of a Needle: Choosing the Best Cadres to lead Transformation,” has become an absolute necessity.

Consideration should be given to introducing a new internal electoral process or, at least, to review and change the internal mechanism of electing leaders to eliminate vote- buying, vote-rigging and slate voting. Consideration should also be given to create a mechanism, to balance respect for internal democratic processes when electing leaders, with agreed to principles to be applied to ensure that a diverse leadership emerges who collectively reflect the capacities and skillsets identified for that level of political leadership.

Consideration should be given for a total prohibition or, at the very least, the regulation of use of money or other resources during internal electoral processes.

40. Effectively address toxic factionalism and factional activity, its effects and consequences, and its legacy of institutionalization into the fabric of the ANC. Consideration should be given to introducing a Code of Conduct, promoting acceptable group or factional activity, and prohibiting toxic or unacceptable forms of factional activity. This may require a constitutional amendment.

41. Organisational design processes of the internal workings of the ANC have been an ongoing process for many years and now needs to be considered and implemented. In this regard consideration should be given to the efficacy and efficiency of NEC subcommittees and whether changes are needed. Consideration should be given to introducing more objective, meritorious and fact-based criteria into the processes of the deployment committee, so that its positions taken are publicly defensible, including in court if challenged.

42. Continuous and regular political education must be institutionalised and well-resourced throughout all the structures of the ANC. Consideration must be given to linking political education as a pre-requisite to upward mobility in the leadership core of the ANC. If agreed, consideration should be given to a constitutional amendment in this regard.

43. A diverse and inclusive capacitated collective of public representatives, at each sphere of government, with a collective minimum skillset, which enables them to govern a modern state, at that level, has become an imperative. At present we use the exact same electoral process in the ANC to elect our internal leadership collectives and to elect ANC public representatives, from the same pool, members in good standing. The result being that we mostly duplicate the internally elected leadership as public representatives. An almost mirror image. These processes are further exacerbated when factional wars are raging in the movement. This is very restrictive and limiting on the ANC.

44. The pool from which the ANC needs to elect the requisite collective skillsets for deployment as public representatives in government at all levels can no longer be limited to members in good standing in the ANC. It needs to be substantially broadened, so we can use the best available human resources to serve our people. To this end, a new process must be devised to elect such public representatives, at all levels of government, to achieve the optimal outcomes to enable the ANC to access the best human resources to make it a successful governing party which delivers to our people. Consideration should also be given to introducing a more objective fact-based performance management system of all ANC public representatives. So, we retain those performing well and not lose skills because of subjective processes and factional activity in the ANC.

45. Revise or amend the present mechanisms of consequence management in the movement, to allow for the implementation of effective and speedy disciplinary and integrity commission processes. Both the Integrity Commission and the National Disciplinary Committee system require major review and strengthening. This requires various constitutional amendments.

46. Effectively allow our movement to show zero tolerance towards any facilitation of ANC and/or State capture, any dishonest conduct and other serious matters of misconduct and any unethical conduct. This necessitates establishment or speedy continuation of a process for the full and immediate implementation of the 54th Conference resolution dealing with corruption in the movement, for the removal, suspension, or step aside of charged persons, criminal offenders, and state capturers, from within our leadership core and membership.

RECOMMENDATIONS ON RENEWAL OF THE ANC AS GOVERNING PARTY

47. From a point of view of being a governing party, the following are some of the critical drivers that go hand in hand with the renewal processes above within the ANC, and must be addressed:

48. Effective delivery of basic services to the people, especially at local government level, being conscious of the fact that this is a highly regulated and contested sphere of government, closest to the everyday lives of the people, thus the need for highly skilled cadres and staff to manage it.

49. A capacitated, diverse civil service with the correct skillsets to manage a CAPABLE developmental State: and to undo the damage caused by flawed application of ANC cadre deployment processes.

50. Adoption of adaptable, flexible and transparent government policies needed for a CAPABLE developmental State, with a bias towards policies which benefit the marginalized, poor, and unemployed and is directed at narrowing inequality.

51. Design, develop and maintain projects and programmes, to rapidly institutionalise and build social capital, by massive public and private investment, directly targeting the massive inequality gap and the causes of growing inequality, throughout the country, but especially in working class, poor and rural areas.

52. All these facets or aspects of our renewal project are equally important and urgent. They must be collectively and individually addressed as they are interlinked and intertwined. A plan of action devised in respect of each facet/aspect of our RENEWAL PROJECT is under construction. A measure of some prioritisation may also be required. Upon completion, it must then immediately and vigorously be implemented by all structures of the Movement. Swift consequence management must follow non- performance or tardy implementation.

CONCLUSION

53. The present ANC has all the hallmarks of a modern political party, not a liberation movement operating underground. It is necessary that members experience greater ownership of the renewed ANC.

54. As we prepare for the next twenty five years of democracy, we want to see the ANC celebrate 120 years in 2032 as a renewed movement and South Africa celebrating its Golden Jubilee by 2044 as an example of the African renaissance we so deeply desire: a country that is thriving and prosperous, where the land and other resources and assets are shared, which is free from hunger, poverty, racism and sexism and want, that is creative, innovative and entrepreneurial, has a capable, legitimate developmental state and that represents the best of human civilizations.

55. The starting point is the renewal of our revolutionary movement. We do know the tasks at hand. Let us get to work.

ANNEXURE A

Implementation of 54th Conference Resolutions

54th National Conference resolutions on Organisational address two core issues: (a) Strengthening the Organisational capacity and structures of the ANC, and (b) Strengthening the Integrity of the ANC and its role in society. The main actions and how far we have implemented these are summarised below:

A. Resolutions on Strengthening Organisational Capacity and Structures A1. Work of the Branch in the Community

The resolution spells out the tasks of rebuilding branches, their role in communities, and the annual plan of the Branch Executive Committee (BEC). The process of rebuilding branches, over the last 30 months, have focused on the introduction of the new Membership system, Induction of BECs and ensuring that Biennial Branch General Meetings (BBGMs) take place. The Mass Political Education programme saw the training of trainers on the Branch Manual, but the training for BECs were held back by their mandates expiring and delays with the Membership system implementation.

Despite these challenges, most branches during 2018-2019 participated actively in the 2019 Elections campaign, although once again we only managed to reach 20% of voters through our outreach, using the voting district system.

During the Covid-19 pandemic ANC branches were initially demobilized, but a Covid-19 Action plan was developed and distributed to structures, and on 15 April 2020 we started a ward base Covid 19 reporting system on the ANC Cloud. Within three months, we managed to have 64% of branches reporting on the system, working with ward councillors.

Branches also participated in the various national programmes, including political seminars, and commemoration days.

The technical details of the Branch Functionality Audit have been developed, but this is delayed by the focus on getting branches to be in good standing, delayed by the Covid 19 pandemic.

Aspects of the resolution still to be implemented:

Develop training on the ANC Branch manual as an online course; Branch Functionality Audit and reporting

Establishment of ANC international structures in countries with sizeable SA diaspora

A2. Member Recruitment and Induction

The resolution calls for a “modernised, technologically enabled, membership system, speed up membership cards, online renewal and discourage gatekeeping and encourage transparency.” Further calls for a branch recruitment strategy, allocation of the membership fee to branches, probation period, branch audits involving BECs.

The ANC procured a new service provider, and development of the system started, with Phase 1 completed. The system is live and has the essential elements: allowing members to manage their own membership system, transparency in state of membership at all levels, key role for branch secretaries, and audit trial throughout the system. It also makes the physical counting of forms, which makes gatekeeping and other fraudulent activities such as membership buying more difficult. The initial development phase had its difficulties, including the need for the Ziveze campaign in 2019, but the system eventually went live in February 2020. Training on the membership system started in December 2019, and we were starting with training branches. The pandemic halted this but Organising has since June 2020 started to train Branch secretaries and others virtually.

The delays with the launch of the system, though necessary, had an impact on BBGMs due over the last two years, with a knock-on effect on regions and some provinces. The next steps for 2020 is to complete the Branch training on the system, resolving teething issues, review Phase 1 and to move towards phase 2 and 3 development of the system.

Aspects still to be implemented/strengthened:

Resolve issue of allocation of membership fee to branches: recommendation from Finance Committee.

Recruitment strategy for branches part of the ANC Branch manual Complete Phase 1 evaluation and roll-out of the MMS.

Ensure production of regular Membership reports to NWC, PECs, RECs and BGMs.

A3. Clear ANC POA at all levels

As per the injunction of the Resolution, the NEC since 2018 each year adopted and Annual POA, based on Conference resolutions, which provinces and regions then use to develop their own POAs. Annual budgets have also been presented to the Finance Committee each year, however, there remains a serious problem in our capacity to fund our programmes and structures. The POA are discussed at Makgotla at the beginning of each year, and we also had a special Lekgotla in May 2020, after the NPE to plan around the Manifesto.

POA implementation has been inconsistent, as has been the reporting on the implementation of the POA. We have produced Annual reports for 2018 and 2019, but this has not been discussed by the NWC or NEC. For 2020, we also have to revise our POA in the context of the Covid-19 pandemic.

Areas of resolution to be improved or implemented includes the capacity in SGO to monitor and coordinate POA, and to ensure discussed by structures.

A4. Cadre Development

The resolution calls for Induction of membership; RECs, BECs and PECs; and Councillors. Expansion of the Political school online courses to assist ANC study groups and individuals to complete the courses. Encourage leaders and deployed cadres at all levels to develop their skills, qualifications and enhance capacities and ANC to run compulsory schools for leadership collectives and deployed cadres. Develop virtual and real discussion forums on current debates; use radio and podcasts.

The NEC adopted the Mass Political Education programme, aimed at training 1000 cadres capable to help with political education in branches, especially supporting branch study group and Induction. To date, less than half of this number have been reached, due to resource constraints, with similar restrictions on more general Induction.

The OR Tambo School of Leadership was finally launched at the beginning of 2019 and is now up and running with its board and staff. To date over … have enrolled and passed the current Online ANC courses, and funding has been sourced for the remaining 5 modules.

During 2018-19 we celebrated the Centenaries of cdes OR Tambo, Mandela and Ma-Sisulu, through memorial lectures and other events. Ironically, the 2020 pandemic forced us to do more virtual Umrabulo session, and we have seen especially ANC Youth League structures being very active in this regard, followed by the ANC and the WL. We have, however, not been able to use this to influence national debates nor engage sufficiently in the battle of ideas.

Areas still to be implemented/strengthened: Mobilising sufficient and sustainable resources for Cadre development and the OR Tambo School; Online Membership induction course; Complete remaining 5 Modules of the Online political school.

A5. Elections

The resolution notes the declining electoral fortunes of the ANC as a serious concern, and we need to build permanent and professional elections capacity; building the ANC Cloud to track campaign and organisational work; strengthened communications capacity at all levels; engage the demarcation processes; culture of respect for fair and free electoral processes; monitoring capacity; involve communities in councillor selection processes.

The 2018/2019 Elections campaign was well coordinated, although our fortunes went below 60% for the first time, but we did win back some of the ground lost in 2016. Resources remained a key problem, as well as continuity in elections management. The 2019 NPE also saw little distinction made between national, provincial, and local government issues, unlike in previous elections, and with many hotspot issues. The Thuma mina campaign in 2018 helped to orientate our structures towards service delivery, although we need a better mechanism for consistent monitoring and follow-through.

By-elections have been mixed, with a blow in Maluti-a-Phufong, and doing much better in other by-elections, notably Mamusa.

During 2020, the following issues with regards to our electoral system came sharply to the fore, including some the issues which we should have dealt with much earlier: Synchronised elections – for national, provincial and local government elections to happen at same time; the Constitutional Court ruling on individual candidates standing for national and provincial government; and issue of a mixed electoral system at national and provincial levels.

The 2021 Local Government Elections results were devasting for the African National Congress. Millions of ANC supporters and voters stayed away and did not participate in the elections. For the first time since 1994, our national share of the vote fell below 50%. We lost 1500 proportional and ward councillor seats. The number of hung municipalities, where no party received a majority, increased from xx in 2016 to 66 municipalities in 2021. The ANC is now in opposition or minority government or coalitions in 83 out of 257 municipalities – almost one third of municipalities.

In only two of the eight metros in the country, did we manage to win a majority. More than 50% of the economy is based in the metros and cities we do not govern – most of these are the ones that are financially viable (only one third of municipalities). The ANC is in outright control of most of the poorest municipalities, many are not financially viable (about two thirds of municipalities). This has massive impact on our ability to deliver services and local development.

Our research and the research by other institutions indicate the following main reasons why voters stay away or did not vote for the ANC. These include in the main:

They have lost trust in our performance as a government and as a party/movement.

They are no longer confident that we are committed to their social well-being and/or have the capacity to deliver on the aspiration of a better life for all.

They are seriously dissatisfied with our track record on delivering basic services: water, electricity, roads, sewerage and refuse removal, stimulating local economic development and maintenance of infrastructure such as r.

They think we are not serious about fighting and acting against corruption, against the abuse of public resources.

They still appreciate the fact that the ANC is the movement that brought about freedom, and that remains committed to democratic rights.

These sentiments show that the movement has seriously lost its connection with the people and that its performance in government is not up to par. This situation must therefore be a serious wake-up call for the renewal of our movement.

A6. Alliance

The Resolution calls for building a strong Alliance on a minimum programme of action, and to ensure that Alliance structures so meet, so that we avoid public spats. It further calls for the strengthening of COSATU in the context of one industry, one union; one country one federation, and engage with the broader trade union movement towards working class unity.

The Alliance over the last 30 months have met more frequently at the level of the Secretariat, as well as the APC. During the Covid 19 pandemic early days, regular APC meetings took place to discuss this national crisis, resulting in the development of an Alliance Framework document on Covid-19. Amongst the other issues which the Alliance structures have been dealing with include the 2019 National and Provincial Elections Campaign, SOEs (especially Eskom and SAA), Energy strategy, and a range of other national issues. Alliance structures at provincial level have also been engaging, although in some provinces the relationship have been fractious based on specific issues, e.g., VBS in Limpopo, Metsimaholo, Maluti-a-Phufong in Free State. The issue of the Reconfigured Alliance, a paper by the SACP is still on the agenda and being discussed with provincial structures.

There have been intermittent engagements with unions outside of the COSATU; the dream of one union one industry, one federation one country, remains elusive, given the political and other issues giving rise to the split from COSATU.

A7. On Sectoral Work

The resolution emphasized the following: the role of the Youth and Women’s Leagues as mass formation of youth and women, their role in their respective sectors and society.

Specifically on the Youth League, the resolution called for the YL to consider its cut-off age, and for the YL and SASCO to work together when contesting SRC elections on campuses, to unite behind SASCO in contests, supported by the PYA. The resolution also urged organisational work amongst national group and focused programme to build non- racialism; engaging with civil society and for ANC members to be active in community and sectoral organisations in the country; to engage motive forces in their organized formations, including those not part of the Alliance; affirmed the role of traditional leaders in advancing development and transformation, gender equality, social cohesion, deepening democracy, and the participation of rural motive forces.

The Women’s League structures over the last 30 months have active programmes around the Molo Makhelwane campaign, mobilizing in the NPE campaign, the fight against gender- based violence, and more recently during the Covid-19 period, its weekly Umanyano programme to reach out to women virtually, on a range of issues.

The NEC disbanded the NEC of the YL following its legal liquidation and appointed a National Youth Task Team to assist to take the ANCYL to Congress, but the process has been very slow. The YL structures have risen to the occasion during the Covid-19 organising virtual political lectures and seminars on issues of the day and have also been more active during Youth month in 2020.

Most sectoral work have centred around elections, with outreach to various sectors. NEC Committee who also have responsibilities to reach out to sectoral formations in their area of work have not been as pro-active as they should be. Outreach to business and professional organisations also continues through the Progressive Business Forum. A national task team was established to coordinate activities on the mobilization Coloured and Indian communities.

A8. Policy Development and Implementation

The resolution calls for the establishment of a Policy Institute and to explore public funding for political party policy institutions. In the later resolution on Provinces, it calls for provinces to also develop policy monitoring capacity. Extend the policy cycle to a decade, rather than the hitherto five-year cycle. Emphasised the need for macro policy planning and coordinated implementation in government, with the Presidency as the central driver of the developmental state. As part of the Organisational Design process, a strengthened Policy, Research, Monitoring and Evaluation Department at headquarters is being established.

A9. Selection Process for Public Representatives

The resolution called for strengthening our guidelines, to ensure we select candidates with good standing in communities, screening, and other processes, in the context of having a permanent ANC Electoral Commission. Review the process of local candidate selection in 2021, lessons and how to strengthen and improve.

A10. Process for Elections of ANC Leaders and Managing Succession

The resolution calls for the establishment of a permanent ANC Electoral commission, with its roles, that will oversee the elections of leadership. It also highlighted areas to strengthen electoral rules, including outlawing slate voting, candidates to contest elections to declare interests, including campaign money and sources, conflict of interests and lifestyle audits, a youth quota (25-40%), consider gender equity in elections of Officials. The resolution also required the NEC to manage the two centres of power.

The NEC established the Electoral Committee in 2020, to oversee the process of the local government candidate selection, and in 2022 to oversee elections at the 55th National Conference.

A11. Regions, Sub-Region/Zone

The resolutions deal with the role of ANC governance committees, at these levels, as a space for accountability between the councillors and the ANC structures, involving the Troika and MP/Ls.

A12. Veterans League and Council of Elders

The resolution mandated the NEC to engage with the Veterans League with regards to options on its role, and to investigate the possibilities of a Council of Elders.

A13. Champion an Education, Skills, and Creative Revolution

All ANC members and leaders are called upon to take practical steps to improve their literacy rate, skills, levels of education, support and participation in the arts and creative sectors, and general knowledge on matters relating to global and domestic socio- economic and political issues. Every ANC, Youth and Women’s League branch shall strive, through the education and skills revolution, to improve the literacy rate, the work of cultural and creative sector and general level of education and skills among the people in the ward. Every ANC member should be involved in a project or programme to improve the quality of learning and teaching in all schools, promote the culture of reading, and raise the level of education, skills, entrepreneurship, and literacy rate in a specific community.

A14. Create an ANC Accountability Framework

Which outlines the roles and responsibilities and performance management of cadres.

A15. Finance and Fundraising

Legislation on funding of political parties to be amended to provide for increase and transparency in party funding, and apply to all three spheres of government, with separate funding for political foundations. Strengthening ANC fundraising and building its resource and sustainability base; maintain professional management and accountability and financial systems; and settle longstanding debts and liabilities.

B. STRENGTHEN THE INTEGRITY OF THE ANC AND ITS ROLE IN SOCIETY B1. Social distance

The resolution calls for a change in how the ANC relates to the people, especially the gap between ourselves and the people, leaders and cadres doing grassroots work, and encouraging the values of humility, discipline, hard work, ubuntu, empathy and respect for people. This resolution is closely linked to the role of the branch in communities and the role of leadership, and restoration of the values of the ANC.

B2. ANC Credibility and Integrity: Dealing with Corruption; Integrity Commission and Discipline

Strengthening understanding of values, ethics, and morality; cadres accused and Integrity committee to present themselves; publicly disassociating ourselves from any person accused of corruption or criminal activities; cooperate with law enforcement; strengthen state capacity to investigate investigation; strengthen capacities of state law enforcement; ban all slates and enforce code of conduct; implement NEC resolution on special commission on state capture.

On the Integrity commission resolve that the NEC to conclude the terms of reference, its powers and that it reports directly to NEC and NGC, National Conference. On Discipline, to introduce dispute resolution capacity, discourage and defend organisational court cases; and investigate and act on gate keeping.

The Officials and NWC have been consistent in their message of unity, starting with the pilgrimage to different provinces; during the 2018/2019 conferences encouraging PECs to bring in comrades excluded using the co-option clause. At the same time, NEC members have been guilty of breaches of the Communications Protocol, and the coherence of the NEC took time to build. The appointment of the National and Provincial Dispute Resolution Committee has also helped during the run-up to the elections to resolve mainly internal disputes; on the whole it has reduced the number of court cases, although there have been still quite a few.

The NEC after lengthy deliberations adopted the Terms of Reference of the Integrity Commission, and consistently look at how to strengthen its work and make it more effective and fairer. However, as expected, the matters which the Integrity Commission has pronounced on to date, with recommendations to the NEC has been difficult, most notably the review of the Lists for National and Provincial public representatives in 2019 and the VBS matter. Provincial Integrity Commission have also been established, and we need to get a report from the provinces on how these have performed their tasks.

The President established the Zondo Commission in 2018, and it has been a gruelling period for the ANC and its image. The consistency on the principled position which the ANC has taken, that it supports the commission, encouraging its members to cooperate with the commission; will not give a blow-by-blow response, but instead intervene for the record when matters affect the ANC have been adhered to on the whole. On the overall issue of the image of the ANC with regards to corruption, there are worrying signs that this is not improving, especially with regards to public expenditure.

Review implementation of the Step-Aside Regulations and address weaknesses.

B3. Dispute resolution and Discipline

Establishing the National Dispute Resolution Committee and mechanism, respond to complaints timeously and give feedback to structures and individuals, so as to discourage organisational matters taken to and settled in courts. This should include training on conflict resolution methods as part of our mass political education and induction.

B4. Communications and the Battle of Ideas

Social transformation requires the production and dissemination of progressive ideas for a National Democratic Society. This struggle for hegemony takes place in a heavily contested terrain, with increasing interconnectivity, use of social media; growing civic and social activism, sometimes anti-establishment, but more often combining tactics of protest and cooperation. It is recognizing that ideas in society are disseminated through media in all its forms, the education system, the political apparatus of the state, and a range of faith based, cultural and other institutions and practices. Within this, the women’s movement plays and important role in contesting the ideas and dominance of patriarchy, and its intersections with poverty, inequality, and unemployment, as well as race and class. We must therefore strengthen the ANC’s engagements in and with all facets of ideas, values, and culture, in contributing towards social cohesion as well as its own internal capacity for the battle of ideas.

B5. Non-racialism and Non-sexism

These are two key organizing principles of a National Democratic Society, the ANC must be at the forefront of progressive ideas to advance a non-sexist and non-racial South Africa, and itself become the political school for non-racialism and non-sexism, setting an example for our society, and active in the fight against the scourge of racism, sexism, and gender- based violence.

ANNEXURE B

Growing Concern about Organisational Culture

and Values of ANC (1994-2017)

Extract from paper on “Organisational Renewal, Unity and a Common Programme of Work”

(2018, B Hofmyer)

“In 1994 Conference in Bloemfontein we recognised the centrality of political education and cadre development especially as we lost many leading cadres to positions in government and had recruited hundreds of thousands of new members unschooled in the values of the ANC. In 1995 we set up a political education unit and an organising department to focus on building the organisation. The last time mass national BEC training was done in the ANC was in 1998/9. Since then, resources have been restricted and used mostly for election or pre- conference training. From being the foot soldiers of building branches driving implementation of ANC programmes, organisers have evolved to bureaucrats and auditors who check compliance of nominations, membership, and other ANC processes, rather than driving programme implementation. As a governing party in most of SA our focus shifted to the many challenges we faced in government. We were still negotiating the final constitution, setting up new local municipalities, managing an apartheid debt close to the size if the annual budget, and dealing with the untransformed apartheid public service. In spite of these challenges and our inexperience, we made quick progress and managed to deliver massive improvements within the first 100 days. Free health care was extended to pregnant women and all children under 7. School feeding was introduced in the poorest schools. 26 000 community land claims were settled. A massive infrastructure improvement plan was developed and started. Eskom started the electrification programme in townships and informal settlements as well as rural areas. The RDP housing programme was conceived. Every government department was focussed on delivering efficiently and economically. A combination of political will, clear goals (RDP), a united ANC and capable and committed leaders and managers in government enabled these successes

In our 50th Conference in 1997, Mafikeng we came to terms with the remaining challenges we faced in government and recognised our weaknesses in building a dynamic and responsive government in touch with the people. It had become clear that expectations were very high, and that government alone could not address all problems fast enough. We passed resolutions to build people’s participation, ward committees, community police forums, school governing bodies, government communication and stronger coherence and oversight between ANC structures and government deployees in local government. Twenty- two years later all of these remain on our wish list without much evidence of widespread successful implementation. We recognised the “reality of the scourge of rape, the battering of women and the abuse of children” and resolved to address these evils within society, in our communities and in our own ranks. While we have improved polices and laws we have failed to effect fundamental social change and eliminate either patriarchy or violence in our communities and in our organisation.

In 2000 at the Port Elizabeth NGC, we confronted the changing face of the ANC and the development of a political elite with growing access to personal wealth and government resources. We discussed revolutionary morality and the dangers of political careerism and resolved to use political education to develop cadres who are agents of change wherever they are active, clear about our values, the NDR and programme of the ANC, and accountable to the ANC. The same 2000 NGC highlighted the roles of the Youth and Women’s League as leading agents for change with regards to the two sectors they organise.

In Stellenbosch, 2002 we noted the need to sustain and strengthen the mass character of the ANC and ensuring the implementation of our cadre development policy as a means of sustaining the revolutionary culture and traditions of the movement among new generations of cadres and members. We also noted the need to enhance organisational democracy and discipline as well as strengthening the Leagues of the ANC, giving leadership to the struggle for women’s emancipation and assisting the Youth League in increasing its mobilization of youth in all sectors of our society. Maintaining and enhancing the unity of the Alliance and ensuring that the historic relationship continues in the implementation of the important tasks of the National Democratic Revolution as well as building a broad movement for national transformation that draws together democratic forces in a range of sectors and unites them in this important task that is led by the ANC, supporting the ANC’s efforts to remain the largest mass political movement in South Africa.

In 2007, Polokwane the Organisational Report was brutally frank about our continued failure to build the kind of ANC we needed to lead transformation and development in our society. The 2007 Strategy and Tactics sharpened our focus on the internal challenges we faced, and we resolved to set up a political school and a policy institute to address some of our ongoing weaknesses in the organisation and the state. We agreed to increase public participation and strengthen relations and accountability between our structures and public representatives, as well as deployment strategies, and monitoring evaluation of public representatives and deployees.

In 2012, Mangaung we developed a comprehensive Organisational Renewal discussion document that recognised increasing social distance between the ANC and the people, a breakdown of relations with civil society, increased factionalism and corruption, and weakness in leadership and structures. We resolved to rebuild our relationship with key sectors of society and to strengthen the Alliance, declared a decade of the cadres that would focus on developing the cadres we need to implement our programmes and achieve our goals in government and in the organisation. We also resolved to set up an integrity committee to deal swiftly and decisively with lapses in integrity and morality.

In the 2015 NGC, we took a hard look at leadership election and candidate selection and strongly condemned practices of slates and factions, membership bulk-buying and ghost members, money politics in securing votes within the ANC, and the impact of all these negative practices on the lives of branches and the quality of leadership and public representatives. We resolved to ban slates and take strong action against vote buying. We decided to strengthen the Integrity Committee and act more decisively on allegations of corruption. We also resolved to set up an internal election committee and to review our candidate and leadership selection processes.

In 2017 at NASREC we focussed on many of our weaknesses, passed the strongest resolution yet on corruption, clarified the role of the branch, outlined the community and sectoral work expected from every branch, made political education and induction compulsory for leadership at all levels, and set up the framework for an Electoral Committee to guide and run candidate and leadership election processes. In every Conference, we have resolved to improve coordination in government, especially at the local level, monitoring of implementation, the ANC’s own policy and monitoring capacity, and our capacity to hold deployees to account and recall them if needed.”

Issued by the ANC, 20 May 2022