OPINION

Perhaps, I should begin by saying that at some point I was figuratively prepared to "take up arms and kill" for Julius Malema. However his subsequent attempts to insult and undermine the ANC and whoever disagrees with him has left me with no choice, but to wonder if our initial support for him was politically correct. 

Hence, in this brief article I shall attempt to argue that our support Malema was, at the time, indeed correct for at least two main reasons that shall be captured below.

Let us recap why Malema's leadership skills - before he confused his uncontested re-election with being untouchable hence more revolutionary than the revolution itself - fitted like a plug in the socket (i.e. the agenda of economic freedom in our life time). 

We sadly noted that the continued socio-economic inequalities, such as unemployment and deepening poverty that exists side by side with the limited victories of the ANC-led government, remain as key challenges that, in the main, confront young people.

Therefore, a militant policy proposal that could culminate into a program that will not only radicalize both the ANC and the government, but it will equally respond to the socio-economic challenges affecting young people and South Africa as a whole.

But this program, we argued, would require a strong, militant but politically disciplined ANC Youth League and leadership that understood the art of internally lobbying the mother body. 

Furthermore, our program necessitated an ANC YL that inculcated the ANC's core values and principles otherwise it would be doomed to be failed by individuals.

But what are these core values and principles that also informed the 1944 ANC YL Generation and, more importantly, sustained the ANC for more than 99 years?

These core values and principles are sacrosanct. They are: unity (of tribes and races), humility, self-respect, mutual respect, respect for ANC leadership and structures, constructive criticism, self-criticism, democratic centralism and organisational democracy. 

Accordingly, Malema became relevant to lead our agenda especially because of (a) his radicalism (although arrogant and superfluous at times) and (b) ability to accurately articulate our policy proposals. 

But what went wrong such that Malema, as the driver of a popular car (Economic Freedom Agenda in our lifetime), took a detour and lost political direction?

Well I don't know either but what I do know is that the detour resulted into two main questions.  These questions are not only about the ultimate destination, but also about the real motives of our otherwise relevant long drive to economic freedom.      

It must be borne in mind that we were the first ones to admit that Malema is not infallible. But we gave him a chance to lead us. However, for the reasons that are a subject of speculation, he advocated for a different agenda.

Part of this different agenda was a failed attempt to misuse the 24th Congress resolutions of the ANC YL, while fabricating others such as the YL being the vanguard of the working class (whatever this means) in an effort to undermine President Zuma and the current ANC Secretary General.

While Juju, as an ANC member, is entitled to engage in continuous assessment of ANC leadership he abused our genuine socio-economic based grievances and support to advance his other agenda. 

Although signs of this agenda existed before the 24 Congress of the ANC YL, and were widely reported in the media, we refused to be influenced by media's constructed line of thinking. We wanted to see for ourselves since we were not looking for a Messiah.  

We thought we were clear that our support for Malema was not a blank cheque or license for him and the conductor to attempt to do as they please. 

However he chose to ostensibly fight for our agenda outside the ANC core values and principles. Hence the ANC had to close ranks and correctly assert its authority in defence of its integrity. 

There are two main conclusions to draw from the Malema story. These conclusions are also premised on (a) seeing Malema on the television leading a march where ANC flags and t-shirts were burnt and (b) saying "gloves are off" to the ANC after the NDC verdict sometime last year. 

The first conclusion is a frank admission that, in the June 2011 ANC Youth League 24th Congress, we unknowingly re-elected a 'Chief-Economic Freedom Fighter' with a "Double Agenda". Secondly, that there is validity in the statement that political consciousness doesn't bid farewell when it exits. 

It is on the basis of the above that, almost similar to Mzala Nxumalo's "Gatsha Buthelezi: The Chief with a Double Agenda", Julius Malema arguably qualifies to be referred to as the 'Chief Economic Freedom Fighter' with a "Double Agenda".

What's to be done?

The harsh political reality, which must appreciate and accept, is that our program and its intended beneficiaries cannot be held to ransom by Malema and his aides since they are beyond political repair or rehabilitation. 

Another harsh political reality is that the life of the ANC YL must continue without Malema. This is based on the fact individual leaders come and go but organisations must remain intact. 

But this means that the ANC must, as soon as possible, disband the ANC YL National Executive and appoint a sober ad hoc executive that will prepare for a special Congress. 

The appointment must exclude the current national officials of the YL because they have, beyond reasonable doubt, proven to lack 'political balls' to defend the ANC YL from Malema. 

The assumption is that the YL officials and most NEC members thought that their positions are more important than defending the ANC. Hence they cannot be trusted will repairing and reclaiming the YL.  

Lastly, all ANC YL structures that were disbanded (starting with KZN ANC YL Provincial leadership) for not supporting the self-styled 'Chief-Economic Freedom Fighter' with a "Double Agenda" must be reinstated. 

Thembinkosi "Guerrilla" Zondi is the recently re-elected Moses Mabhida's KZ221 Ward 3 ANC Branch Secretary and Senior Administrator at the University of KwaZulu Natal Howard College. He writes in his personal capacity.

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