The ANC national disciplinary committee's decision last week to expel Julius Sello Malema has received mixed reaction from within and outside the ANC. Commentators have had a field day about what went wrong with the youth league president and what the political implications of his expulsion would be. There were two groups; those who argued that while they accepted that Malema was in the wrong; the decision to "fire" him was too harsh.
On the other hand, there were those who argued that Malema was actually responsible for his "downfall" because he was "intoxicated by past victories" and as a result assumed himself bigger than the ANC. For this group the decision to boot him out was welcome and long overdue.
The whole saga brings to mind the statement of Lev Davidovich Bronshtein (later known as Leon Trotsky) when he was expelled from Russia. Referring to the powerful and feared Joseph Stalin, he said: "The vengeance of history is more powerful than the most powerful Secretary General". I would argue the current developments have nothing to do with Malema, though he and his supporters would want us to believe otherwise.
Yes, he is currently a big name in the organisation and yes there are those who are against him and probably want him out, but the fact is he's just another replaceable actor in a large ANC soap opera. I would argue that that current developments are less about Malema, and more about the ANC's transition from being, and operating a, a liberation movement, to becoming a modern political party; as well as trying to change the negative perception surrounding it.
It is therefore important to understand the ANC's dilemma: the ANC goes to elections as a political party, but still considers itself a liberation movement, whose task is not yet finished -- namely to transform society and provide people with clean water, electricity, decent housing, etc.
The transformation from a liberation movement will mean gradual but wholesale changes. These would include internal capacity-building for party politics and governance, and the development of intra-party democracy. This is because structures in many liberation movements are top-down. Often the executive authority rests with one person or a clique.