This morning I accompanied a new MDC Member of Parliament on a brief two-hour tour of his Constituency. He won this Constituency from his Zanu PF predecessor by nearly 20 000 votes to 12 000 in a closely fought contest. We first drove to an informal housing settlement containing about 90 000 people. We started at the top end in a high density settlement that had been developed some 15 years ago when Trudy Stevenson was the local MDC MP for the area. This was quite neat and well planned = roads, but no water, electricity but no sewerage system. Dirt roads by and large but with trees and gardens and some social amenities. All homes were registered with the Local Authority (Harare City Council), paid rates and had title deeds.
But then we dove into a considerable area of housing in various states of repair and construction. In some place large middle class homes were under construction, in others high density housing resembling what existed where we had been earlier. In other parts = the newer areas, only shacks and temporary structures. The MP explained the origins of each area and the reasons for the different levels of construction. It became apparent that the majority of the informal housing was the product of a program that Zanu PF had initiated in 2005 in an effort to regain control of the urban areas.
This involved taking over commercial farms on the outskirts of the Cities and towns and granting selected Zanu PF leaders the right to take control. In most cases a plan for the area was developed by the Department of Physical Planning and a lay out incorporating provision for roads and amenities and also services of all kinds was agreed. Included was thousands of small stands for housing. The 'Land Barron' then sold the stands on a first come first served basis and gave the people involved a receipt for the stand. This was most often co-ordinated by a 'housing cooperative' which in reality was simply an agent for the Land Barons. The purchase price of the stands was supposed to be used to provide essential services, this was simply ignored.
The people buying stands were required to become Party members and in addition were closely monitored for loyalty to the Party. In elections, these new home owners voted at polling stations established in the area and these were monitored. If the polling station returned an opposition candidate some form of collective punishment = even destruction of homes, was ordered. But the overall effect was the opening up of thousands of hectares of new land for housing and the subsequent construction of hundreds of thousands of homes. Partly funded by the Diaspora. The resulting building boom has created so much demand for cement and bricks that shortages have emerged despite the production of over 3 million tonnes of cement each year.
But, like the 'fast track land reform' program in the rural areas, this program was not designed to provide homes to the absolute poor, but to create conditions of near total political control for electoral purposes. In the farming areas this resulted in the collapse of the industry while in urban areas the program has had a dramatic impact on the national economy and on the shortage of basic housing. Almost every urban centre now has a necklace of informal housing surrounding it and in 2013 the system enabled Zanu PF to roll over the MDC and return the Party to control of the country with a two thirds majority in the House of Assembly.
But like all such programs, the system created a number of extremely wealthy individuals = essentially a new cadre of slum landlords with control over the lives of thousands and supporting the Zanu PF both financially and electorally. In some areas gangs of paid thugs acted as enforcers and collectors.