Speech by Azhar Cachalia at the book launch of When a State turns on its Citizens - 60 years of institutionalised violence in Zimbabwe by Lloyd M Sachikonye, April 1 2011
Zimbabwe came to independence through a long and brutal war, but with much promise. Robert Mugabe, the leader of the dominant faction of the liberation movement, portrayed as an ogre by the colonial regime of the time, appeared to be anything but a monster. He was intelligent, educated, reconciliatory, charming, obviously a democrat, and to the relief of many, a good Catholic. Under his stewardship Zimbabwe would be democratic, safe and prosperous.
As a student at Wits University some 30 years ago I too was seduced by this promise. I organized a rally at the university to celebrate Zimbabwe's independence and President Mugabe's victory at the polls. Some of my colleagues thought this was not a good idea, not because they harboured the same prejudices as Smith's Rhodesian Front, but rather because ZANU was no ally of the ANC. But that is a discussion for another day. For the record the rally was a huge success. Regrettably, that was the last time I had cause to celebrate anything that Mugabe or ZANU-PF has done.
What followed the ZANU victory was the political and ethnically inspired violent campaign to destroy ZAPU-PF, led by Joshua Nkomo, through the Gukurahundi violence in 1983. The instrument used to achieve this purpose was the North Korean-trained Fifth Brigade. The campaign claimed the lives of more than ten thousand people. It was systematic, involving torture and rape, and it invoked memories of the methods employed by the Rhodesian security forces against the liberation movements and their sympathizers.
Ignored by the international media at the time, perhaps because the victims were not white, the Gukhurahundi shaped the character of the post colonial Zimbabwe state. The ruling party ensured that state institutions such as the police and the military would be firmly in control of the governing party, as would the state media.
Party cadres would be ‘deployed' in these institutions, a term that we have become familiar with in this country. And during elections after independence, particularly after 2000, these institutions were used to harass and intimidate opponents with the state media ensuring that the sanitized version of what happened was broadcast.