Seventeen years ago South Africans stood in meandering queues throughout the country waiting patiently to vote in our first one-man, one-vote election.  For black South Africans the election was the fulfilment of their dream of political rights, of equality and of human dignity.  For the ANC 27 April brought the tantalising prospect of imminent power; of ‘amandla'; of a brave new age in which they would be able to sweep away all the injustices of the past.  

Most whites waited in the long queues with a sense of trepidation - tinged with a frisson of excitement. Reassured by Nelson Mandela and F W de Klerk, they hoped for the best - but prepared for the worst. Many had hoarded groceries - and others were thinking of emigration.

What have the intervening years brought?

Everyone now enjoys the benefits of living in a free society; of being able to vote in elections, of being able to say what they like and go where they want. Everyone enjoys the full spectrum of human rights that are guaranteed by the Constitution.

About 10% of black South Africans have done really well: they have moved into government jobs or into well-paid positions in the private sector.  Another 25%, comprising unionised workers, have entrenched themselves behind rigid labour laws and are enjoying the inflated wages and benefits assured by COSATU.  15 million now subsist on government handouts.

However, many others have not done so well. 40% of black South Africans are unemployed.  2.8 million of the people standing in the voting queues of 1994 - or their friends and children - have died of AIDS since then.  This is at least 300 000 more than the number who would have died, had the Mbeki presidency not descended into AIDS denialism.   Another 300 000 people - or their friends of children - have been murdered since 1994.

The children of the 1994 voters - the supposed beneficiaries of our new freedom - are now becoming restive.  The education system has failed them dismally.  A million children from each entry class have dropped out of school before writing matric.  

The great majority of those who actually pass matric leave school with pathetically inadequate qualifications and are destined to join the swelling ranks of the unemployed.   They now demand the culmination of the revolution, the seizure of the property of white South Africans for redistribution to the masses.   They think that Mugabe is a good guy.

Ironically, the whites in the 1994 election queues have, on the whole, probably benefited more from the new South Africa than anyone else - with the exception of the new black elite.  About 750 000 - or 15% - have emigrated.  Another 10% - no longer protected by apartheid and often the victims of new forms of racial discrimination - have fallen into poverty.  But the rest have prospered - often as a result of the unintended consequences of government policy.

The precipitate departure of 120 000 whites from the civil service stripped government of its ability to deliver services - but created a new class of entrepreneurs and franchise holders.   Government's failure to produce properly qualified black professionals has put a premium on white skills.  The result is that average white incomes are still five times higher than average black incomes - and white unemployment - at 5.1% - is a fraction of black unemployment.

Government has achieved some notable successes since 1994: sound macro-economic policies (which are now under mortal threat) have assured quite impressive economic growth; it has built almost 4 million houses and brought electricity and sanitation to more than 73% of homes; and our respected international standing has been crowned by the enormous success of the 2010 FIFA World Cup. 

And how has freedom fared?

Freedom depends on much more than the holding of regular elections and the existence of good constitution.  It requires a fundamental commitment to the rule of law and to constitutional values and institutions. 

Unfortunately, the dream of building a shining new non-racial democracy has too often been swamped in a mire of corruption, cadre deployment and ideology.

The ANC's National Democratic Revolution ideology is irreconcilable with the commitment to freedom and non-racism that we celebrate on 27 April.   According to its Strategy & Tactics documents, "the notion that South Africans embraced and made up (after the 1994 transition), and thus erased the root causes of previous conflict, is thoroughly misleading." "The essential contradictions spawned by the system of apartheid colonialism were as much prevalent the day after the inauguration of the new government as they were the day before."

These ‘contradictions' lie primarily in "the continuation of apartheid economic and social relations" in terms of which whites had retained "undeserved" and "ill-begotten" privileges derived from apartheid; and continue to own and dominate most of the economy; occupy most managerial posts and own most of the land.

The main goal of the NDR is ‘the deracialistion of ownership and control of wealth' and ‘equity and affirmative action in the provision of skills and access to positions of management.' In other words, the struggle continues and its target is, by and large, white South Africans.

1994 did, however, represent an important beachhead from which the ANC could shift the balance of forces further to its advantage by seizing control of "the levers of state power which include the legislatures, the executives, the public service, the security forces, the judiciary, parastatals, the public broadcaster, and so on."

All thinking people should support the eradication of poverty and the rapid attainment of a more equal, non-racial society.  However, this can be best achieved by empowering people through decent education, proper service delivery, sustained economic growth and above all, by job creation. 

The redistribution of wealth and employment on the basis of race would be disastrous for all the people of South Africa.  It would erode the constitutional consensus that made our new society possible and would undermine national unity and reconciliation.  It would negate the dreams for a better, fairer and more prosperous non-racial society that inspired the millions of South Africans who waited so patiently in the election queues of 27 April 1994.

Dave Steward is Executive Director of the FW de Klerk Foundation.

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