What is the meaning of the huge national event that Winnie Madizikela-Mandela’s death became? The newspapers were mainly devoted to this day after day. The funeral itself was a major media event, carried by national TV and radio. ANC and EFF came together at the funeral, an unprecedented event in itself and clearly this could presage the re-unification of the two movements – which, we are told, was Winnie’s dying wish. Jesse Jackson flew out from America for the event. Even Caster Semenya, far away on the Australian Gold Coast, pledged her victories with clenched fist salute to Winnie. It was, to coin a phrase, a great disturbance in the Force.
When news of Winnie’s death first spread there was considerable negative comment about the long litany of crimes associated with her name. But gradually at first and then deafeningly, such commentary was overwhelmed by the liberation narrative casting Winnie as South Africa’s St. Joan. Soon even “independent” journalists were buying into this, referring to her as “Ma Winnie” and the Mother of the Nation. Indeed, those who had raised doubts over Winnie’s legacy were soon castigated as reactionary white males (though the children who died at the hands of Winnie’s Football Club were all black), apartheid agents and Stratcom operatives. This included even such unlikely figures as Max du Preez, Nomavenda Mathiane and Anton Harber. All that such figures could do was to plead their innocence: reversing the dominant narrative was now out of the question – and this was the narrative faithfully echoed by the international media.
So powerful was this “liberation narrative” that many people who knew all too well the darker side of Winnie’s reputation found themselves singing her praises, almost competing with one another in their depictions of her as saint and heroine. Most prominently there was Cyril Ramaphosa, who as a member of the Mandela Crisis Committee in 1989 had to look into not less than 16 murders attributed to Winnie and her Football Club. (The sudden rush to attribute these entirely to apartheid agents should be dismissed. Whoever was the final paymaster of certain members of the Football Club, Winnie was still the one who gave the orders.) Ramaphosa had to swallow a great deal in order to make his funeral oration but he seemed to have no difficulty at all in ignoring a large number of unfortunate truths in order to do so. This is a warning for the future.
One should remember, too, that for all Ramaphosa’s attempts to achieve a reconciliation with Malema, he it was who was in charge of the investigation which resulted in Malema’s expulsion from the ANC. The ANC very seldom expels anyone so one must presume that Malema’s sins were exceptional. But suddenly these are not only forgotten; they never existed. This too is a warning.
The same was true of Thabo Mbeki. The TRC conveniently held public hearings into Winnie’s alleged crimes in late 1997 at the same time that Winnie was running for the post of ANC deputy-president, something Mbeki was determined to head off. And the TRC hearings certainly helped achieve that. To hear Mbeki praise “Ma Winnie” no one would know he had ever had the slightest reservation about her. But in Mbeki such silver-tongued hypocrisy hardly comes as a surprise.
In truth, the ANC narrative about Winnie has switched to and fro many times. When she first emerged as a persecuted victim in the struggle, the publicity was massively favourable. However, by the mid to late 1980s her activities were causing so much embarrassment to the ANC that Tambo publicly denounced her over her “matches and necklaces” speech and also ordered her to dissolve the Football Club. Her defiance of such dictates cast her in a very bad light with the ANC. Then came Mandela’s liberation and his historic walk to freedom, hand in hand with Winnie: suddenly she was a heroine again and Mother of the Nation.