There is no doubt that the DA is in a considerable mess. Everywhere one goes, especially in the Western Cape, one hears expressions of anger against the party with many vowing not to vote for it again. The DA is blamed for the crisis over water, for the divisions which have cost it control of Cape Town and for the revelation that the administration of that city – the jewel in the DA’s crown – may have been a great deal less good than the party was wont to boast. On top of that there is a pervasive feeling that Maimane is a weak leader who has made little impact. This was all true quite independently even before President Cyril Ramaphosa’s highly successful charm offensive.
The DA’s defence would doubtless be that it has to tread very carefully – and thus slowly – with the matter of De Lille in order to be fair to her and to ensure that there is no repeat of the Peter Marais affair, when an expelled DA mayor hung on, did a deal with the National Party and the ANC and removed the city from the DA’s grasp. Secondly, it points out that under the Constitution water is a national competence and that the Department of Water and Sanitation in Pretoria is really responsible for Cape Town’s water shortage, not the DA. And it would add that Maimane is still a young, new leader who is in the process of establishing himself and that while Ramaphosa may be popular now, this is unlikely to last.
There is doubtless some truth in this defence but there is no doubting the public disillusionment with the party, which is to say that at the very least the party has been very ineffectual in putting its case to the public. There is, however, a great deal more to it than that.
First, the party took a considerable risk in May 2015 when it chose Mmusi Maimane as leader. If one looks back over the leadership of the Progressive Party, the DP and DA, it has been an impressive array – Jan Steytler, Helen Suzman, Colin Eglin, Van Zyl Slabbert, Zach de Beer, Tony Leon and Helen Zille. These were, quite simply, the best that liberal white South Africa had to offer. They were all chosen on merit and the general calibre was high. It was thus a major departure when the party chose Maimane as its leader. He was not quite 35 and he had served as parliamentary leader of the party for a year, following a stint on the Johannesburg City Council and thus had little national or parliamentary experience. In addition, he was a pastor in the deeply conservative Liberty Church and did not believe in evolution. It is difficult not to conclude that he was set up to fail for the chances of anyone so young and inexperienced making a success of the job were virtually zero. At the very least he needed another ten years on the DA front bench, shadowing a ministry, and learning the nuts and bolts of national politics before even being considered for the leadership.
The results are what might have been expected. Maimane wanders around the country giving speeches, which he does rather well. He does not consult with his front bench nor does he attempt to co-ordinate them into a team. Because he is so inexperienced he has to rely heavily on the DA’s federal executive and on the non-elected officials of the party who have, accordingly, achieved an unusual prominence. The party is thus effectively rudderless. Given that Maimane enthusiastically endorses both affirmative action and black economic empowerment, there is now a widespread feeling that the DA is merely an ANC-lite. Strikingly, what it does not have is an alternative set of policies which set out a distinctive (liberal) vision of how society should be. This is something which it used to have but which has been lost. It is possible to meet young DA MPs who no longer know what they’re supposed to believe in. In effect the party seems merely to promise to carry out ANC policies but without corruption.