Bheki Cele's mismanagement of R500 million of taxpayers money is symptomatic of the kind of rot that has set in to South African politics. The origin of this kind of scandalous attempt to pull the wool over the eyes of South Africans exposes the under belly of the workings of President Jacob Zuma's "governance by patronage" policy.
In order to ascend to the highest office in the land, Zuma extended his political credit beyond his ability to repay instalments to a wide variety of opportunists, most of whom now occupy the upper echelons of his cabinet and key departments. What happened in Polokwane was effectively a leveraged buy-out of South African government, the prized assets being control over the treasury and the vast resources of the country.
It is worthwhile reflecting on the circumstances that got us to this sad state of affairs. President Jacob Zuma must bear the ultimate responsibility for the Cele fiasco, as it was on the back of his ascension to the presidency that the foundation for rampant nepotism and patronage was laid. Facing allegations of fraud and financial impropriety that have yet to be tested in a court of law, the only move remaining for Zuma was to push his chips to the middle of the table and go all in.
Isolated and under attack from all sectors of South African society, including a significant portion of his own organization, a squadron of political vultures sensed his vulnerability and backed him to the hilt. This kind of political loan sharking is the oldest trick in the book, the line being "Don't worry, Comrade. You can pay us back later".
Most South Africans were too distracted by Polokwane, the formation of COPE and the subsequent elevation of people like Mo Shaik to see the identities, true intentions and political influence of the second tier of patrons. Control over South African resources had been up for silent auction, and it is only now that the bidders are being revealed. It was open season for speculators on those closest to Zuma, who had already been lined up to be part of Zuma's bloated executive.
Individuals like Roux Shabangu, the Guptas and others strategically positioned themselves close to the levers of power. It was a calculated business risk to financially speculate on the future President, but a risk that reaped huge financial rewards for those who bought into Zuma Inc when his stock price was at its all time low circa 2009.
The best investors saw the potential of an executive that relied on the cult of personality, but could be called to heel when it suited their particular interests. Such risk has paid off handsomely for these speculators, and had it not been for a free and independent media, Roux Shabangu would have walked away with over R500 million in taxpayers money.
All South Africans must be grateful for the fierce independence of our free press and media. Make no mistake, proposed legislation such as the Media Appeals Tribunal and other proposed bills are designed to muzzle the free press. They are the result of collusion between the executive and those "not-so-secret-anymore" backers who want to keep the public in the dark about the sham of our presidency.
Zuma's presidency is a for-profit venture, and this is not something that would sit well with millions of South Africans who continue to fight, bleed, starve and die for social and economic justice. Most South Africans wonder why Parliamentarians fight so fiercely over appointments to the SABC board as such a process seems to be merely procedural, but it is precisely for the reasons of accountability and transparency that we fight to make sure that these board members are not under instruction from Luthuli House as far as what is permissible for propaganda purposes.
It is a shame that the ANC seem to have come full circle from the days when a free press with independent writers, thinkers and journalists helped to turn the tide against the apartheid regime. Now it wants to exact a measure of draconian control over the flow of information to cover for an elite group of politicians and business people, a replication of one of the mechanisms of apartheid.
Unfortunately for the ANC, the old 20th century paradigm for how information is sourced and disseminated no longer applies. In the 21st century, a dedicated journalist backed by an independent and even handed media house is the most powerful weapon for democracy and transparency. Had it not been for such journalism, Roux Shabangu would have been laughing all the way to the bank, and Bheki Cele would have had his new gymnasium and feeding trough at the expense of the taxpayer.
The second issue that the sorry Cele tale raises is the question of who polices the police. The disbandment of the Scorpions and the incorporation of the newly formed Hawks into the South African Police Services was one of the worst tragedies of Zuma's push for the presidency. The continuing investigation by the independent Scorpions of Zuma was far too much scrutiny for him and his backers to handle.
What these people wanted was an unencumbered run on the resources of the state, and an independent, well resourced and efficient investigative unit with ties to the independent judiciary would not allow rampant corruption and patronage to flourish around the office of the President. The solution was crude, but effective - cut the stinger off the scorpion and bring the creature under the foot of the president. That the Hawks are under the control of the South African Police Services, who are in turn under the control of "General" Bheki Cele, a Zuma appointment, speaks volumes about what investigations are permissible and who is untouchable.
The highly effective Scorpions had license to track down and root out all corruption, wherever the trail may lead. The Hawks, while still effective, have the same mandate, except when such a trail leads to the office of the President and those who surround him. It is telling that there has not yet been any indication from the Hawks that they will investigate a potential attempt at fraud totalling a half a billion rand. After all, who is foolish enough to kick their own boss in the shin?
The Zumafication of South African society was textbook, and it is a process that is nearly complete. Zuma and his backers have brought the Hawks under the control of the police, neutralizing any investigation into their business dealings both past, present and future.
The police have been militarized as evidenced by Bheki Cele's effective self bestowal of the rank of "General". The trade unions have been neutralized and the SACP castrated by offering individuals such as Blade Nzimande the role of Minister of Higher Education. Basic media freedoms are under legislative attack by an increasingly paranoid executive. This is the architecture of a coup, not the signifiers of a free society.
The cost of Zuma's rise to the highest seat of the land may yet be paid at the ANC's Elective Conference in 2012. Since Zuma has offered more shareholding in Zuma Inc than exists, he cannot pay back all of his backers. Many of these individuals, special interest groups and lobbies have become frustrated with Zuma's broken promises of patronage and reward for loyalty, and there are rumblings from within both Luthuli House and Parliament that those closest to him are actively lobbying against him.
The end of the Zuma presidency would be a death knell to a particular set of business people, who trade money for influence and power, but what must be avoided at all costs is a "double-dip counterrevolution". We cannot merely replace one lame duck President with another. We cannot afford to have a change in face, but the continuation of a corrupt system with no checks and balances.
We must no longer tolerate the Bheki Celes, of this world. We must fight against a system where, a generation after liberation, we live in the most unequal society in the world. It is unconscionable that billionaires are made of those related to the President, his cabinet and his appointees, while ordinary South Africans are left wondering what happened to the ideals of the Freedom Charter. As long as this continues, there will be many more Bheki Celes and Roux Shabangus.
South Africans must make their voices heard, and say as one, "our Democracy is not for sale at any price." The spirit of the African Revolution is alive in Tunisia, Libya, Algeria, Zimbabwe, Swaziland and in many other countries. Let us keep the flame burning in South Africa. We say no to tenderpreneurs, even if their surname is Zuma. We say no to ZEE - we want empowerment of the masses.
Phillip Dexter is a Congress of the People M.P.
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