Cadre deployment: Denialism is to the disadvantage of South African

The ANC's policy of cadre deployment - which is largely responsible for the significant damage done to our public institutions - has recently been defended by both the government and the ruling party, as a well-founded policy beyond reproach. Both of these defenses are significant, for two reasons: First, they suggest a certain level of denialism and an inability to properly identify the substantial harm caused by the practice; second, they are borne of the same ideological drive - the desire to centralise control and power - that underpins the ANC's ‘developmental state'; and, until that vision is properly recognised as a destructive and anti-constitutional idea, cadre deployment will clearly continue to inform the ANC's policy and practice, to the detriment of service delivery and good governance.

This combination of denialism and ideological distortion manifests in very practical ways for ordinary people: most notably, in the collapse of state institutions. This is because they are no longer run to deliver services, but rather as a source of patronage - to reward those loyal to the ANC. Factionalism in the ruling party has served to heighten this kind of abuse. Thus merit is replaced by political affiliation and the best management of our parastatals undermined.

The first of the two defences was made by President Zuma, in response to a DA parliamentary question. He stated that the ANC only appointed "good, qualified and skilled people" from the ANC who are worthy of serving in the respective positions. This is palpably false. There are a litany of examples - from Paul Ngobeni through to Mo Shaik - where expertise come second to political loyalty. To argue otherwise is simply obtuse. The second defence came more recently, from Joel Netshitenzhe, who serves on the ANC's National Executive Committee (indeed, it was Netshitenzhe who was first responsible for formulating the ANC's policy of cadre deployment). Netshitenzhe argued that, while the ANC's strategic leadership discouraged micro-managing, it did not prevent suitable ANC deployees from being assigned to positions.

And yet, while the ANC government clings to a theory that delivers little in practice, South African citizens are the ones feeling the effect. Because the appropriate people aren't hired, when things go wrong - as they inevitably do - it is ordinary South Africans who have to pay. Since 2001, at least R262.1-million has been awarded to parastatal bosses, who have delivered little but almost always left in dubious circumstances. For example:

• The R8-million settlement received by former South African Airways (SAA) CEO Khaya Ngqula, after he was fired for his role in the R1-billion tender rigging saga in 2009
• In 2004, the former SAA CEO Andre Viljoen received R3.6 million on top of a salary of R2.2 million and a performance bonus of almost R1-million. During Viljoen's last two years at the helm of SAA, the company made losses amounting to R15 billion
• Before that in 2001, former SAA CEO Coleman Andrews received a record-breaking golden handshake of R232 million, even though the airline posted a net loss of more than R 700 million for that year 
• In 2009 the SABC paid R11 million to its former group CEO Dali Mpofu- Mpofu took the SABC to court after he was suspended for suspending then head of news and current affairs Snukie Zikalala
• Former Denel chief executive Victor Moche, who was fired from his position by Public Enterprises Minister Alec Erwin, walked away from the parastatal with a golden handshake of about R3 million in 2005 
• Land Bank CEO Alan Mukoki received R 4.5 million after he quit in 2007 amid reports of R2 billion worth of fraud

Not only are taxpayers paying millions to get rid of poorly selected cadres, but billions upon billions of rands have been paid out to parastatals that are failing to properly manage public money. No fundamental change has occurred to ensure that this vicious cycle of parastatal failure-government bailout is halted. Using a response to a parliamentary question posed by the DA and other subsequent information, we have calculated that almost R250 billion has been given to parastatals in financial assistance over the past five years.

The destruction associated with cadre deployment is not confined to State Owned Enterprises, it affects all levels of governance, right down to local government level, a fact acknowledged by government itself. In a statement of the ANC's National Executive Committee, President Zuma stated that "One of the challenges in local government is the confusion between political and administrative roles. We are of the firm view that municipal employees should not hold leadership positions in political parties."

The recently tabled report on The State of Local Government in South Africa (a report undertaken by the Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs) states:

Assessments revealed that party political factionalism and polarisation of interests over the last few years, and the subsequent creation of new political alliances and elites, have indeed contributed to the progressive deterioration of municipal functionality. Evidence has been collected to dramatically illustrate how the political/administrative interface has resulted in factionalism on a scale that, in some areas, it is akin to a battle of state resources rather than any ideological or policy differences. The lack of values, principles or ethics in these cases indicates that there are officials and public representatives for whom public service is not a concern, but accruing of wealth at the expense of poor communities is their priority.

These bits of evidence constitute merely the tip of a very big iceberg. It is insulting, in the face of such an overwhelming body of evidence for both the state (in the form of the President) and the ruling party to defend a policy that, in and of itself, is largely responsible for all the wrong values and attitudes that have infected our public institutions. Cadre deployment is a disease, a sickness. If it is to be countered, it needs to be properly diagnosed and the appropriate counter measures set in place. Prime among these is the elevation of merit and skill above political affiliation and the promotion of excellence above patronage. That the President and the ruling party are in denial of this fact says much about their ability to properly administer the government. Their denialism is to the direct disadvantage of all South Africans.

Statement issued by Athol Trollip, MP, Democratic Alliance parliamentary leader, March 29 2010

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