SPEECH BY F W DE KLERK TO THE ANNE FRANK TRUST, LONDON, January 27 2011

IT IS NEVER TOO LATE TO CHANGE

I am deeply honoured to have been invited by the Anne Frank Trust to address you on this solemn day.

It is most important for us to take time out of our busy schedules to remember the past - and particularly the cataclysmic events of the last century to ensure that they are never again repeated.

We recall, in particular on this day, the unspeakable suffering of the Jewish people during the Holocaust,- not only the six million who were killed - but also the trauma of all those who survived.

At the same time, we should also remember other episodes in the 20th Century's horrifying roll of human suffering - in particularly the victims Stalin; of Mao tse Tung's Great Leap Forward - and of the killing fields of Cambodia.

The perpetrators and the victims of all these genocides had much in common: the suffering, the brutality and the horror were all too frequently the same. The causes, also, were too often the same - including the suppression of all our natural instincts of humanity and compassion in the name of this or that ideology.

These events should engrave indelible lessons in our souls. We must never forget the depths of depravity to which human beings can sink - nor the sublime heights to which they can soar - even in the most tragic circumstances.

Anne Frank represents the latter - the humanity, the hopes and dreams of an adolescent woman - so mindlessly, so unjustly and so brutally destroyed. Our first concern must always be the preservation of the qualities that she represented: her humanity; her dignity; the courage of her Dutch protectors; the right to participate in the ceremonies of innocence of which she was so callously deprived.

We must reject all ideologies - whether secular or religious - that place this or that utopian or religious vision above the right to life, happiness and dignity of ordinary human beings.

We must also reject policies that cause injustice to any group or community on the basis of their race or their religion. The sad truth is that much of the past century throughout the world was characterised by such unjust policies and attitudes.

We had apartheid in South Africa; we had an ideology that seriously affected the human dignity and human rights of people on the basis of their race. Our fear of being overwhelmed led us to adopt policies and approaches that were manifestly unjust. However, our experience in South Africa shows that

• that even the most intractable conflicts can be resolved by peaceful means;
• that the risks of reaching reasonable agreements with opponents are far smaller than the risks of doing nothing.
• that conflicts between peoples cannot be solved by armed force and violence;
• that we did not have to remain the prisoners of our prejudices and fears forever - and finally
• that we were in control of our destinies.

In the mid-1980s there appeared to be very little hope for the future. And yet within three and a half years the situation had changed entirely. What factors contributed to the dramatic changes that led to 2 February 1990?

• The first factor was the government's realisation that ‘separate development' had failed and held no prospect whatsoever of bringing about a just or workable solution. The partition of the country on which it was based was hopelessly inequitable - with the 78% black majority being allocated only 13 % of the land; the economy - and the supposedly white cities - were becoming more integrated with each year that passed; whites did not constitute a majority in any geographic region of the country; and the solution was vehemently rejected by a vast majority of blacks, coloureds and Indians.
• A critically important factor was the acceptance by all sides that there could be neither a military nor a revolutionary victory - and that continuing conflict would simply turn South African into a wasteland.
• Sanctions were, of course, also a factor. Nevertheless, the economy actually grew at an annual rate of 2.7% between April 1986 and February 1989. Sanctions were often counter-productive. They increased opposition to foreign interference - and hobbled two of the greatest forces for change - economic growth and exposure to the world.
• Economic growth of the 60s and 70s was a major change factor. Between 1970 and 1994 the black share of personal disposable income increased from 29% to almost 50%. Millions of black South Africans moved to the cities and improved their standard of living and education. By 1989 they had begun to occupy key positions in the industrial and commercial sectors, Increasingly they were becoming indispensable in the white-collar professions. By 1994 there were more black South Africans at university than whites.
• Similar changes were taking place in the Afrikaner community. In the decades following 1960 a whole generation of young Afrikaners moved from the working class to the middle class. They graduated from university and travelled abroad - and were inevitably influenced by global values. The new generation of university educated Afrikaners no longer shared the fiery nationalism of their parents and grandparents. By 1989 they were ripe for change.
• A further factor was the successful conclusion of a tripartite agreement in 1988 between South Africa, Cuba and Angola. This resulted in the withdrawal of Cuban forces from Angola, the implementation of UN resolution 435 and the independence of Namibia. The negotiations with the Angolans and the Cubans and the subsequent successful implementation of the UN independence plan during 1989 reassured the government that it could secure its core interests through negotiations with its opponents.
• The final - and critically important - factor for change was the collapse of global communism in 1989. At a stroke, it removed the government's primary strategic concern. The demise of international communism and the manifest success of the free market economies also meant that there was no longer any serious debate with regard to the economic policies that would be required to ensure economic growth in a future democratic South Africa.

By the time I became president in September 1989 the National Party was already committed to fundamental transformation. After my election as leader of the National Party in February 1989 I had made it clear that our goal was "a new South Africa, a totally changed South Africa". I told my supporters after the September 1989 election that "the main issue was not whether all South Africans should be accommodated in future election, but how this should be done".

However, the collapse of Soviet communism enabled us to accelerate the process. When history opens a window of opportunity it is important to jump through it. We knew that the circumstances for a reasonable constitutional settlement would never again be so favourable. So we jumped.

Since then, we have reaped the benefits of peace. Despite the many problems that continue to confront South Africa - including inequality, unemployment, AIDS and crime - we have made great progress. The population has grown by 39% and the economy by 63%. South Africa's emerging national identity, our enormous capabilities and potential were graphically illustrated by the success of the 2010 FIFA World Cup.

But it is still essential for us to remember the lessons of our past:

• to avoid ideological approaches;
• to continue to reject racism and discrimination of any kind;
• to resolve problems and disputes by negotiation and compromise;
• to ensure that humanity; compassion and respect for human dignity guide all our actions; and
• to remember that even the most intractable problems can be solved through peaceful negotiation.

This day should likewise remind us all of the dreadful lessons of the 20th century and should inspire us all to repeat the resounding words of Archbishop Desmond Tutu when he presented the Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission to President Mandela:

"Never, Never, and Never Again!"

Issued by the FW de Klerk Foundation, January 27 2011

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