Much has been said about the representation of women in high political office.

I understand the desire that there be more women who can be role models and bring a different perspective to the usual male patriarchy. But what is largely unexamined is the real impact on ordinary women, those who are most in need of assistance.

In the case of Gauteng, the appointment of former premier Nomvula Mokonyane in 2009 was justified by the ANC on the basis that there was a need for more female premiers. This "gender card" was conveniently used to deny the premiership to anti-Zuma Gauteng ANC chairperson Paul Mashatile.

In my view, Mokonyane was a better choice than Mashatile, but there were others who could have run the province better in the interests of everyone. Mokonyane was feisty and spoke up for women. At her best, she combined tough honesty with motherly guidance.

For instance, she told pupils at a Diepsloot school that education should come first, not matric dances and partying, and that drinking at school and staying away from classes would be dealt with severely. 

Mokonyane launched an admirable programme to provide "dignity packs" to schoolgirls who missed classes because they could not afford sanitary pads when they had their periods. But her "Mama Action" image was dealt a major blow by various missteps and scandals.

The Social Development Department is important for vulnerable women and children, but suffered neglect when it was merged with the Health Department. It took three years before this was reversed, only to fall inappropriately under the Agricultural and Rural Development MEC.

The Gauteng Health Department was the biggest disaster of Mokonyane's premiership. She first appointed Qedani Mahlangu as Health MEC, who was followed by Ntombi Mekgwe.

They had little success in tackling deep-seated problems that led to poor care in public hospitals and clinics.

Women bore the brunt of these health failures, as reflected in the ever-escalating medical negligence cases for babies damaged at birth.

Real progress in turning around the department only came with the appointment of Hope Papo as Health MEC.

He was conscientious and hard working. I rate him the best Health MEC Gauteng has had, working in very difficult circumstances.

He should have been re-appointed, but had to go when David Makhura became premier and the ANC insisted that six out of the ten executive council members had to be female.

So Qedani Mahlangu went back to Health after an inglorious stint as Infrastructure Development MEC where she failed dismally in maintaining hospital machinery and equipment.

Despite all assurances, generators continued to fail at the Chris Hani Baragwanath and other hospitals, forcing surgeons to operate by the light of their cellphones.

Another female non-performer who was re-appointed was Faith Mazibuko. As Community Safety MEC she could have done a lot more to ensure that rape and domestic abuse cases were investigated properly.

Taxpayers had to pay R350 000 to settle a legal claim after she told a shack-living mother of triplets seeking social assistance to "keep your legs closed". She should have been fired, but is now a most unsuitable choice in charge of the Social Development Department.

Yet another serial non-performer, Ntombi Mekgwe became Speaker of the Gauteng Legislature after nearly becoming premier instead of Makhura.

The Commission for Gender Equality (CGE) complained about the lack of women premiers, but poor governance under Mekgwe would have made lives worse for women in the province.

Conversely, there is reason to believe that former Education MEC Barbara Creecy would have been a better choice for premier than Makhura. And women patients would have been better off with Hope Papo as Health MEC.

After much searching, he appointed Dr Hugh Gosnell to head the Gauteng Health Department.

Is this a step backwards because a woman wasn't appointed, or good news because he has the skills to improve Gauteng hospitals?

The puzzle is why intelligent people routinely disregard competence in favour of the rhetoric of elite gender representivity.

This is why Western Cape Premier Helen Zille is pilloried for not having "sufficient" female provincial ministers despite running the most competent administration in South Africa.

I wonder whether the CGE thinks that Police Commissioner Riah Priyega encourages the image of a capable woman in a tough environment, or is just hopelessly out of her depth.

Should Health Minister Aaron Motsoaledi be replaced by a woman despite all the fine work he has done in fighting HIV/Aids and introducing a vaccine against cervical cancer? His female predecessor Manto Tshabala-Msimang was a disaster in general and for women in particular.

So where is the logic in loud calls for more women to be placed in senior positions without looking at the merits of all available candidates?

The push for female quotas is more explicit than in government policies on black economic empowerment.

Under the recently passed Women Empowerment and Gender Equality Bill, government departments and companies will be required to fill a minimum of 50% of all senior and top management positions with women.

Executive heads who contravene provisions could be fined and even imprisoned.

As with other legislation, this focus on top positions leads easily to gender fronting instead of the broad-based genuine empowerment that is needed.

There is no doubt that it is tough for women in South Africa.

But the quick-fix quota approach, which is actually unconstitutional, diverts attention from what is really needed to improve their situation.

A top priority is a decently qualified, experienced and effective police chief, man or woman, to fight the many crimes suffered disproportionately by women.

The same applies in other areas as well.

Jack Bloom MPL, is a DA member of the Gauteng Legislature.

This article was published with the assistance of the Friedrich-Naumann-Stiftung für die Freiheit (FNF). The views presented in the article are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of FNF.

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