"Burke said that there were Three Estates in Parliament; but, in the Reporters' Gallery yonder, there sat a Fourth Estate, more important far than they all." Thomas Carlyle [Heros and Hero Worship in History; 1841]
Introduction
When now disgraced former police commissioner Jackie Selebi was first appointed by President Thabo Mbeki, on 20 October 1999, it was a decision widely praised by mainstream media.
Politicsweb Editor James Myburgh has written an article setting out the extent of that praise. In it, he quotes from a number of (English-speaking) newspaper editorials, all of which "welcomed" the appointment and many that praised Selebi both as a good candidate for the job and as demographically suitable (i.e. made the case that his race was an important consideration and that it was appropriate to have a black person head up the police). You can find that article here.
This was despite several well-founded objections to Selebi's appointment, the majority of which apply today, to the appointment of his successor. They were, for the most part, ignored.
Today, some 13 years later, we find ourselves sitting with another disgraced police commissioner. Bheki Cele, appointed by President Jacob Zuma to replace Selebi in August 2009, is currently suspended and undergoing investigation after evidence showed that R1.7 billion spent with his approval on building leases was unlawful, improper and constituted maladministration, to quote the Public Protector's report on the matter.
So, have the press learnt anything? What did the mainstream media say about Cele's appointment, back in 2009?
The answer is, a great deal. But the tendency is still to be deferential rather than critical. Even when a wealth of evidence exists to recommend scepticism, there is still an inclination to be supportive, rather than judgemental, about the ANC's cadre deployment policy.
Selebi revisited
Without rehashing Myburgh's article in its entirety, he summed up the four main objections to the appointment of Selebi as follows (all well known at the time):
"The first was that Selebi had no policing experience whatsoever. The second was that he was clearly a political appointee. He had been placed 147th on the ANC's 1994 election list and served briefly as an ANC MP before being redeployed into the Department of Foreign Affairs - first as an ambassador, and then as Director-General of the Department. Moreover, his appointment was part of the ANC's openly expressed drive to bring all state institutions under party control. The third was that he was extremely close to Thabo Mbeki personally. As the Mail & Guardian noted on his appointment he had the "ear and respect of...Mbeki, a man to whom he is said to be fiercely loyal". The fourth was that at the same this appointment was made, the highly respected head of the Safety & Security Secretariat, Azhar Cachalia, was forced from his position; and that body, designed to ensure civilian oversight over the police, was downgraded into insignificance."
Despite these reservations, and the evidence in support of them, the media welcomed the decision. Many endorsed Selebi himself a leader (The Cape Times called him a "well-respected leader", the Citizen, "an excellent choice"), others dismissed his political affiliations as insignificant (The Business Day: "Selebi is probably as close to the ideal candidate as is available") and a number suggested the fact that he was black, should count substantially in his favour ("It's important, now, for a black person to be seen at the head of the police..." - EP Herald and, the Sowetan: "We hope this signals a greater appreciation of the need for transformation of the civil service in a way that reflects the demographics of our country"). The City Press went so far as to argue his political affiliations counted in his favour, saying Selebi was, "no stranger to politics, having played a leading role in the South African Students Organisation, been head of the ANC Youth League, an executive member of the ANC and an MP. That is why we find it surprising that some white politicians claim to know little of him and others protest his lack of experience as a policeman. It is about time this position was given to a black person, with or without police experience."
As we now know, it all ended badly for Selebi, who was found guilty of corruption in July 2010 and subsequently sentenced to 15 years in prison. At the height of the political pressure on the Presidency about Selebi's conduct, President Mbeki infamously asked South Africa to "trust him", to do the right thing. He never did the right thing.
Round two
With Selebi gone, and Mbeki gone too, President Jacob Zuma set about transforming the civil service to his image. Mbeki loyalists were given the boot and Zuma loyalists put in place, the position of police commissioner being a lucrative position of patronage he could put to good use. And so he proposed a close ally, Bheki Cele for the position. With no formal policing experience per se (he had served as the MEC for transport and security in KwaZulu-Natal) and a number of question marks hanging over his head (from his ‘shoot to kill' remarks to his possible interference in an investigation) he was first and foremost a career politician. A member of the ANC's National Executive Committee with a reputation for being robust and straight-talking, but a policeman he was not.
So, many of the same questions that concerned Selebi's appointment applied also to Cele; in particular, the implications for the civil service, which is supposed to be neutral but, under the ANC and through its cadre deployment policy, has become politicised.
So, how would the press fair this time? Had they learnt their lesson? Let's have a look-see.
How the press faired
I have, below this piece, set out all the relevant sections from the various editorials quoted for ease of reference. I shall quote from them selectively. Three things are worth noting up front.
The first is the absence of any reference to race. Not a single editorial suggested the fact that Cele was black should in anyway count in his favour or be something worth considering ahead of his appointment.
Second, the vast majority of editorials made reference both to the problematic nature of his political affiliation and, in particular, his closeness to President Zuma, even if only to note it as a passing objection.
Noticeably, some went much further than that. The Times editorial of 3 August is perhaps the most brutal of them all in this regard ("in President Jacob Zuma's new government, the apparatchik is back in vogue"). Likewise, many identified, in particular, his loyalty to President Zuma as problematic. ("Zuma clinched him the job. Politics trumps expertise." The Citizen; 31 July)
Third, the majority paid carefully attention to his somewhat dubious track record. An overemphasis was perhaps placed on this ‘shoot to kill' rhetoric but, nonetheless, some consideration was given to his actual qualifications.
The result of these three general trends means the general consensus was one of caution and reserved judgement. And that is to the press's collective credit. The lesson's learnt from the Selebi saga too where not lost on the media and a number of editorials drew a direct comparison, Beeld's editorial of 31 July, perhaps being the quintessential example. [Note: Myburgh doesn't cite the Afrikaans press in his piece, so it might well have been the case they were right on Selebi too.] That is not to say, some editorials abdicated completely their responsibility to make a call and just sat on the fence, saying everything and nothing. The Sowetan (‘Let's see Cele in action', 31 July) being the most egregious example. (I have quoted only a sentence or two from a long stream of ‘one the one hand - on the other hand' sort of fence sitting.)
But this cautious attitude did not mean there was no sense of endorsement at all, there was too a generally sympathetic sentiment running through many of the various editorials: "...he deserves our support in the drive to make meaningful progress in the war on crime" said the Sunday Independent; "Anybody who is appointed to a new job deserves to be given a chance to perform..." wrote the Business Day and "We need strong leadership for the police - and Cele seems to promise that. Let's give him a chance" wrote the Independent on Saturday, in an editorial syndicated in a number of other Independent Group papers.
This suggests that, while bitter experience had taught that there is a problem with having party loyalists in the civil service, any resultant caution was the result more of an emotional bruising than the application of a principle - the separation of powers. One might paraphrase the sentiment thusly: "It really is a bad idea to have political loyalists in the public service, we are not sure why, but hopefully this time it will turn out better."
Only a tiny minority of newspapers identified the principle at stake. The Witness (31 July) being the best example: "To select a national police commissioner from such a background ignores the necessary separation of powers between the executive and public service." Once you realise the principle that is being compromised, it is impossible to endorse the candidate, however praise-worthy their intentions might be. Perhaps that is where we are headed with future appointments though, it is encouraging at least that there is a general perception the idea is problematic.
One final trend, significant when contrasted against the appeal to race in the previous round of editorials, there was the beginnings of an emphasis on merit and excellence. The Financial Mail (7 August) best made this case, even suggesting that one look outside South Africa, in order to find the best candidate: "...why not headhunt among the world's top cops for one of the world's toughest policing challenges?"
What it all means
After 18 years of ANC rule, it would appear, mostly through bitter experience, the standards, values and principles South Africa's press applies to political appointments is beginning to change. It has some way to go still - until the reasons why things like cadre deployment are bad are explained, as opposed to just stating they are problematic - and an outright emphasis is placed on merit, experience and expertise ahead of the myriad other politically correct criteria, but, on the basis of Cele editorials, the signs are encouraging.
As it so happens, the appointment of Cele has not worked out either. As the Accounting Officer in charge of the lease agreements, Cele signed off on them. He argues he did so on the advice of experts but the police commissioner should be an expert and he should know and understand those things he puts his signature to. He is now dealing with the consequences of that. Had the police commissioner been an expert - as opposed to a political loyalist - one could well make a case this would not have happened.
No doubt we will at some point have yet another police commissioner. No doubt President Zuma will again appoint a loyalist. And, no doubt, merit, experience, excellence and expertise will again take a back seat. It is with great interest then, that we can all look forward to the next round of editorials in response. As Thomas Carlyle pointed out, the media is an important and powerful influence in any democracy and its opinions have a profound affect.
The question is: will its judgement continue to move in the right direction, away from political correctness and deference and towards principle and best democratic practice? Time will tell.
The Editorials
Business Day [Phone a friend; 30 July 2009]
"Anybody who is appointed to a new job deserves to be given a chance to perform, so this newspaper will not be joining what appears likely to be a chorus of naysayers predicting that new national police commissioner Bheki Cele will fail to come to grips with SA's horrific crime problem. After the frequently bizarre and possibly crooked approach adopted by Cele's predecessor, Jackie Selebi - his trial on charges of corruption and defeating the ends of justice is scheduled to start in October - it would be hard to do a worse job."
"Our biggest objection to Cele is that he is a politician at heart rather than a policeman. This is illustrated most graphically by his consistent defence of colleagues who abuse their right to travel in speeding police convoys and frequently endanger members of the public in the process. Zuma was swept to power partly because ordinary people were tired of ruling party politicians treating each other as if they were above the law. Cele's record indicates that while he may be tough on criminals - possibly excessively tough - and thereby get some results, he is not the impartial, experienced professional that SA really needed in this vital position."
The Daily News [Much rides on the police chief; 30 July 2009]
"The new police boss, as of Sunday, must now abandon his political positions, as his critics have insisted. And other reservations about Cele - unresolved questions like an accusation of an incident where he waved about a firearm - need clarity. A career policeman would have been preferable. It must be Cele's mission, therefore, to convert from a politician to a department head and mobilse the police into high gear. His leadership must be apolitical, formidable and relentless. Can he do it? He has shown a readiness to roll up his sleeves and be involved. This speaks in his favour."
The Times [Cele will have to prove he is not just a political big gun; 30 July 2009]
"It would have been preferable for a person within the police service to have been appointed commissioner. However, President Jacob Zuma has opted for the flamboyant KwaZulu-Natal transport and community safety MEC, Bheki Cele, as the country's No1 cop. Many of the problems hampering the police's ability to fight crime can be attributed to former President Thabo Mbeki's decision to appoint a career politician, Jackie Selebi, to run the police. Zuma appears to be repeating the mistake by choosing Cele."
The Citizen [Tough cowboy in a Panama hat; 30 July 2009]
"Described as a cowboy with a penchant for flashy clothes and Panama hats, Cele talks tough, telling police not to de with guns holstered. Certainly toughness is required. But loyalty to Jacob Zuma clinched him the job. Politics trumps expertise."
Die Burger [Polisiehoof laat wenkbroue lig; 30 July 2009]
"Die aanstelling van mnr. Bheki Cele as die land se nuwe polisiehoof laat die wenkbroue lig. Dis tog duidelik dat pres. Jacob Zuma een van sy grootste lojaliste met 'n politieke aanstelling beloon het."
"Ons vrees dat Zuma met Cele se aanstelling dieselfde fout maak as wat oudpres. Thabo Mbeki gemaak het toe hy Selebi as nasionale polisiehoof aangestel het. Die belangrikste vereistes van die nasionale polisiehoof is immers professionele kundigheid, ervaring en onpartydigheid, nie blinde politieke lojaliteit nie. As Cele dít besef, moet hy onmiddellik as lid van die ANC se nasionale uitvoerende komitee bedank."
The Star [Top cop's challenges; 31 July 2009]
"The new police boss, as of Sunday, must now abandon his political positions, as his critics have insisted. And other reservations about Cele - unresolved questions like an accusation of an incident where he waved about a firearm - need clarity. A career policeman would have been preferable. It must be Cele's mission, therefore, to convert from a politician to a department head and mobilse the police into high gear. His leadership must be apolitical, formidable and relentless. Can he do it? He has shown a readiness to roll up his sleeves and be involved. This speaks in his favour."
Beeld [Zuma wil nie uit Mbeki se foute leer; 31 July 2009]
"Pres. Jacob Zuma het 'n gulde kans verspeel toe hy 'n loopbaan-politikus as nuwe polisiehoof aangestel het. Mnr. Bheki Cele, voormalige KwaZulu-Natalse LUR vir gemeenskapsveiligheid en -skakeling, mag goeie eienskappe hê, maar hy is net nog 'n "ontplooide" politikus wat na die pype van partybase dans. Die polisie het iemand nodig wat die mag deur en deur ken en weet hoe om dit te bestuur. Zuma maak dieselfde fout as oudpres. Thabo Mbeki deur 'n vertroueling en politikus polisiehoof te maak. Mbeki se keuse, mnr. Jackie Selebi, is ná agt jaar geheel en al gediskrediteer en het 'n gedemoraliseerde polisie gelos."
The Witness [New top cop; 31 July 2009]
"...as an ex-teacher, township activist, Mkhonto we Sizwe solider, Robben Island prisoner and ANC politician, Cele has no practical experience of policing. His appointment illustrates the government's determination to press ahead, against widespread unease, with its practice of deployment of party loyalists to posts that should be occupied by professionals at the peak of their careers and respected by their colleagues."
"Cele is a high-ranking member of the national executive of the ANC, from which he should immediately resign. To select a national police commissioner from such a background ignores the necessary separation of powers between the executive and public service. It contributes nothing to a culture of true democracy."
Pretoria News [We expect more than war talk from Cele; 31 July]
"The challenges for the police chief are many. We don't expect him to divulge his crime-fighting strategy in the media. But threats of violence are hardly words to inspire confidence in his leadership. Such words have been uttered before and the crime situation has remained largely unchanged. We fervently hope there is more to Cele than rhetoric and violent talk."
Sowetan [Let's see Cele in action; 31 July 2009]
"Whether Cele is or is not the right man for the job has now become a moot point. What is important is that he translates his statements into action and rid our society of the miscreants turning the lives of law-abiding citizens into misery."
The Independent on Saturday [Interesting times ahead; 1 August 2009]
"But the biggest question mark against Cele remains his lack of actual policing experience. Unlike the police minister, this job surely demands a deep understanding of the complexities of policing. Much rather, in this role, that he be admired by the policemen and women that he commands than by politicians or even the broader public. Until he dispels concerns about his suitability for this tough task, he will be seen as having got the job on the basis of his well-known allegiance to President Jacob Zuma."
Saturday Star [There's a new sheriff in town; 1 August 2009]
"Zuma made a step this week to exert his influence over safety and security. By appointing one of his trusted political lieutenants, Bheki Cele, as the new police commissioner, Zuma has sent a message that there is, literally and figuratively, a new sheriff in town. And that he's determined to clean up the streets. Cele has been criticised, and labelled as a ‘cowboy', for his flamboyant style and his hard attitude to criminals. During his tenure as the safety and police chief in KwaZulu-Natal, he promised to put more cops on the beat - and he delivered. At the same time he urged his officers to use whatever force was necessary, including deadly force, if their lives were under threat from criminals. This has seen his province rack up the highest number of deaths in police shootings of any in the country. And that is what worries his critics, who feel he may permit a sanctioned ‘reign of terror' by cops which will make a mockery of our constitutional rights. But we say: how can it get worse? Former commissioner Jackie Selebi was ineffectual and, to be kind, a controversial figure. We need strong leadership for the police - and Cele seems to promise that. Let's give him a chance."
The Sunday Independent [Cele deserves country's backing; 2 August 2009]
"He takes over at a time of real crisis, with criminals threatening the future of the state. And, at times of crisis, the more conventional ways of dealing with matters are not always the most effective. So as Cele wears his big hat and prepares to wield his big stick, he deserves our support in the drive to make meaningful progress in the war on crime."
"Cele's detractors, mainly from the ranks of the opposition, have had their say on his appointment as police commissioner. They're clearly disappointed, believing he is not the right man for the job, which, they say, should have gone to a career policeman with a proven track record. Some of his critics have also questioned his impartiality and independence. While much of what they say might have more than an ounce of truth, it's hard to ignore the views of many people - probably the majority - who are quietly relieved the job has gone to a tough, no-nonsense crime-buster with a reputation for fighting criminals with an iron fist."
Sunday Tribune [Cele must now walk the talk; 2 August 2009]
"Cele's detractors, mainly from the ranks of the opposition, have had their say on his appointment as police commissioner. They're clearly disappointed, believing he is not the right man for the job, which, they say, should have gone to a career policeman with a proven track record. Some of his critics have also questioned his impartiality and independence. While much of what they say might have more than an ounce of truth, it's hard to ignore the views of many people - probably the majority - who are quietly relieved the job has gone to a tough, no-nonsense crime-buster with a reputation for fighting criminals with an iron fist."
Sunday Times [Help Cele fight crime; 2 August 2009]
Much controversy has greeted the appointment of Bheki Cele as the country's new police commissioner. And with good reason. Cele has been a member of the ANC's national executive committee and an influential figure in party structures. Putting a politician in charge of the country's police force is dangerous. We have seen how the security forces were drawn into the ANC's internecine conflict over the past few years. Even if Cele resigns his party positions, will he be able to sever his loyalty to party and comrades?"
The City Press [Hanging a hat on Cele's delivery; 2 August 2009]
"Still, this has not lessened the disappointment felt in many quarters that for this top-cop position President Jacob Zuma went for yet another politician, instead of a career police officer. So the message is clear: the end of the politicisation of the criminal justice system is not near."
The Times [Blind loyalty will get you anywhere in Zuma's world; 3 August 2009]
"Back in the USSR, the party apparatchik was an extremely useful idiot to have around. The great and good in government could find any number of uses for such a fellow. He could be political commissar in a military unit one moment and the head of agriculture the next. No training needed for the specific task at hand, really, just undying loyalty to the party (or whoever was heading the party at the time) and a talent for not asking too many questions. These attributes, coupled with the odd tug of the forelock and doing as one was told, could see a comrade go very far indeed. Blind loyalty to the party also spared you an uncomfortable tour of the Lubyanka, with a member of the KGB as your guide. The USSR might no longer be with us, but our former liberation movement's fascination with all things comradely has ensured the apparatchik continues to thrive in the ANC. As cockroaches survive nuclear blasts, the apparatchik survives the rise and fall of governments. And in President Jacob Zuma's new government, the apparatchik is back in vogue. The appointment of the ill-suited (pun intended) Bheki Cele to the post of police commissioner was a clear indication that loyalty to Zuma would be rewarded - no matter your qualifications for doing a job."
Financial Mail [Red light is flashing, not blue; 7 August 2009]
"Cele comes into the job with guns blazing recklessly, as well as trailing the baggage of allegations that, as KwaZulu Natal MEC, he tried to protect a friend from prosecution in a fatal drunk-driving case."
"So why not headhunt among the world's top cops for one of the world's toughest policing challenges? Instead we appoint a controversial amateur lightweight whose big talk promises to do little for police morale and effectiveness. It is a most depressing counterweight to some good appointments elsewhere in the Zuma administration."
This article first appeared on the Inside Politics website.
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