This week the Minister of Labour, Mildred Oliphant, released the 12th Commission of Employment Equity (CEE) annual report. It was widely covered by the media and social networks.
In her press conference, Minister Oliphant made a meal of describing the Western Cape as the "worst performer" in employment equity.
But on closer analysis, her report raises a number of serious questions that call its credibility into question.
For starters, the CEE report says its figures reflect the status of employment equity during the period 1 April 2011 -- 31 March 2012. However, those figures aren't available yet. We are only due to submit them in October 2012.
Secondly, it appears that the workforce profile figures used for "government" include both provincial and local government data across the entire province. Yet, the report and the Minister's press conference, gave the impression that the statistics reflect the situation in the Western Cape provincial government. As a result, a completely inaccurate picture emerges.
When one removes the local government statistics, the actual workforce profile statistics for the Western Cape government's four upper occupation levels (Top Management, Senior Management, Professionally Qualified, and Skilled Technical) reveal that 39,276 (or 77.7%) of the 50,521 senior employees, fall within the designated "black" group.
Our figures also show that when it comes to the employment equity targets in the four top employment categories for the province, we have met our target for African women (13.3%) and are apparently "over-represented" both when it comes to coloured women (37.9% against a target of 23.9%) as well as white women (15.2% against a target of 8.1%) In other words we have met or exceeded all our gender targets in the top four employment categories. The statistics also reveal that we are actually under-represented in these categories when it comes to white males (6.9% against a target of 10.10%).
The CEE report also does not align with the statistics released in June by the Public Service Commission (PSC) that assessed the performance of the nine Offices of the Premier. The PSC rated the Western Cape Premier's Office as the most "representative" out of the nine offices, scoring 70%. Of the remaining eight Provincial Premiers' offices, four scored between 41% and 60%, three between 21% and 40% and one (the North West) scored 20%.
In other words, our figures and those of the Public Service Commission (PSC) paint a completely different picture from the CEE report.
Minister Oliphant has indicated that she would like to meet me to discuss her report. I have accepted, and I will point out these anomalies. Given the "weight" accorded to the flawed CEE report, it is critical that it contains the correct figures and refers to the correct sphere of government.
But of far greater concern than the statistical contradictions and anomalies, is the fact that the CEE report makes racial head-counting the over-riding criterion for measuring a province's progress. The report interprets "targets" as rigid "quotas". Minister Oliphant clearly supports Hendrik Verwoerd's doctrine that race should determine a person's life chances. In the DA, we reject the idea that "demography" should determine destiny.
At the same time, we acknowledge the urgency of redressing the legacy of past inequality, including in the workplace and business. Where we govern, we are doing this successfully by building the "pipeline of promotion", broadening opportunities, emphasising training, and supporting hardworking and capable people to climb the ladder on the basis of potential, initiative and added value. We are already far advanced, as reflected in our statistics. Our approach is sustainable and fair. And in doing so, we are achieving both equity and excellence.
It is important to remember that the most pervasive cause of inequality is educational inequality. Conversely true empowerment is rooted in quality education for all our children.
This exposes the real irony of the CEE report. In it, Minister Oliphant praises Limpopo as one of the "best" performers and "progressive in terms of race".
The meltdown in education in Limpopo has been well documented. This bankrupt province ran up unauthorised expenditure of R2.2-billion, but learners are still without basic resources including textbooks.
A report authored by the department's former administrator, Dr Anis Karodia, found that the primary reason for this crisis was a culture of "nepotism".
He found the department was "top-heavy" with many senior managers who lacked relevant qualifications and were appointed because of "political patronage". That summarises the ANC's definition of "progressive" employment equity.
Dr Karodia also alleges that staff avoided paying tax by capturing their "allowances" on a system used for the purchase of goods; that a total of 1,806 cellphones were issued, costing about R1-million a month; and that officials contravened financial laws by splitting a multi-million Rand tender into smaller ones to avoid a competitive bidding process. No wonder there is no money for textbooks.
A simple question arises from this: do the Limpopo learners and their parents agree with Minister Oliphant that their government is the most "progressive" in the country?
HSRC researcher Modimowabarwa Kanyane summed it up at a recent seminar when he stated: "One conclusion that seems to be common is that the ANC's deployment strategy systematically places loyalty ahead of merit and even of competence, and is therefore a serious obstacle to efficient public service."
More and more South Africans are rejecting the ANC's deceitful narrative and recognising that redressing past inequalities, including employment equity, is a process of building broad-based opportunity that links ability and effort with outcomes. This is the only sustainable and progressive way to redress the legacy of apartheid.
That is why we are putting our primary focus on strategies to grow the economy and improve education. These are the essential gateways to opportunity.
One of the Western Cape's biggest problems is the high school drop-out rate. That is why we are focusing on a "retention strategy" which this year has resulted in over 4,000 additional pupils writing their National Senior Certificate (or "matric") compared with last year. This is a significant improvement.
Other interventions have resulted in the poorest schools improving their matric pass rate from 57% in 2010 to 70% in the 2011. The number of underperforming schools also decreased from 78 in 2010 to 30 in 2011. In Khayelitsha the average pass rate increased by 13.5% and the number of learners passing has increased by 24.9% since 2009.
This is just one example of how we are building genuine equity in the Western Cape. Some provinces are doing it the other way around: destroying education, while swelling the ranks of senior management in government and business with politically connected people.
History will be the final arbiter on which "empowerment" strategy worked.
This article first appeared in SA Today, the weekly online newsletter of the leader of the Democratic Alliance.
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