Zuma's presidency one year on

Today marks one year since Jacob Zuma assumed the Office of the President. When historians look back at his term, they will analyse how the fourth President of democratic South Africa, took our country in the direction of the failed state. 

This newsletter has regularly described the markers on this road: cronyism and cadre deployment, which lead to corruption and the collapse of constitutionalism, ending in the criminal "vampire state".  When all else is stripped away, these are the reasons for the "failed state" syndrome on our continent.

This is not to say that South Africa will inevitably end up this way.  It depends on the voters. If the majority continues to grant a political clique freedom to loot, and freedom from accountability, South Africa will be counted among the failures.

I have no doubt that we can and will prevent this outcome. Doing so is the reason for the DA's existence, and the rationale for everything we do. 

But on the anniversary of Zuma's election, it is important to analyse why he has already failed our young democracy, and why his personal qualities of warmth and charm have merely disguised the true nature of his Presidency.

When Zuma was elected President, many people gave him the benefit of the doubt. We focused on his affability and diplomatic skills.  We hoped that he would surround himself with the right people and listen to their advice. We believed this would happen when he made some excellent appointments. We thought his popularity might enable him to provide an antidote to Thabo Mbeki's much-maligned ‘aloofness'.

Most people now see that this was a case of wishful thinking.

Any objective assessment of the Zuma Presidency must reach the same conclusion. He has failed to provide leadership on the issues that matter most, whether it is the debacle that has played itself out at Eskom, the increasing levels of violent crime, the steady decline of our education system, rising unemployment or the corruption that is spreading like a cancer through our body politic.

He has failed to lead for two inter-connected reasons: he does not appear to understand the core issues at stake, and he fails to see the contradiction between what he says and what he does.

Cynical readers will say that this assessment is to be expected from an opposition politician.  But, as anybody with an ear to the ground knows, this critique is not limited to the ranks of the opposition. It is increasingly heard within the ANC itself.

Those internal ANC critics would - if they were brave enough - refer to an important ANC discussion document entitled Through the Eye of a Needle which sets out the qualities required for leadership. They would stand up in their own organisation and show that Zuma fails every test of good leadership set out in that document.

For the benefit of those who have never read it, I will highlight five of the criteria for leadership it sets out (in italics) and measure Zuma's performance against each one.

1.Policy grasp

"An ANC leader should understand ANC policy and be able to apply it under all conditions she finds herself."

Jacob Zuma has revealed himself to have a poor grasp of policy.  He is puzzled about the reasons for the outcry every time he says that the ANC is more important than the Constitution.He consistently refuses to engage in policy debates with leaders of opposition parties, because he is out of his depth.  After watching a television interview with Zuma, one analyst concluded that, such was Zuma's lack of policy detail, he was "our Sarah Palin". When he does venture into the policy terrain, he usually does so from a prepared text - such as his annual State of the Nation Address.

2. Populism

"[A leader] should not seek to gain cheap popularity by avoiding difficult issues, making false promises or merely pandering to popular sentiment."

Jacob Zuma's chameleon-like ability to please and appease everybody at the same time - even diametrically opposed constituencies - worked well for him in his campaign for the ANC presidency. But, now that he has real decision-making power, he is paralysed.

This is why he has been silent on the legalized corruption of ANC's front companies such as Chancellor House. It is why he did not take a stand against Julius Malema's hate speech until events forced his hand. Zuma has also skirted crucial decisions over economic policy to avoid alienating his erstwhile political backers, Cosatu and the SACP.

Zuma treats the public the same way. When he assumed office, he promised to create 500,000 jobs by the end of his first year in office. In fact, over 500,000 jobs have been lost in his first twelve months in office.

3. Exemplary conduct

"A leader should lead by example. He should be above reproach in his political and social conduct."

This is where Zuma falls particularly short. It is increasingly obvious that the culture of corruption which has escalated in the ANC under his tenure is directly attributable to his conduct. He has undermined the independence of the criminal justice system to get off corruption charges and to place himself and his closest allies above the law. This is why (among countless other examples) Julius Malema can manipulate tender processes to secure state contracts to the value of R140 million. The feeling among the ANC's rank and file is: if the President can do it, why can't I?

Another recent phenomenon that is directly attributable to Zuma is the "shoot to kill" rhetoric that is now an acceptable part of ANC discourse. It started when Zuma revealed his penchant for singing uMshini Wami (Bring me my machine gun) in the run-up to Polokwane. The feeling amongst ANC activists is: if the President uses language that incites violence, why can't we?

And then there was the revelation that Zuma fathered a child out of wedlock just as he was admonishing those who have unprotected sex with multiple partners. In doing so, he undermined, at a stroke, his own government's efforts to fight the pandemic. I don't believe that his recent public announcement of his HIV-negative status has helped in the fight against AIDS either. On the contrary, he has now sent out the message that risky sexual behaviour can be consequence-free. Many impressionable young people will rationalise: if the President can get away with it, why can't I?

4. Patronage

"A leader should not rely on cliques to maintain one's position."

Zuma came into office on the back of financial and other support from various cliques with powerful backers. One of them was Schabir Shaik's brother, Mo, who Zuma repaid by appointing Head of the Secret Service. Another is Schabir himself who inexplicably remains on medical parole - despite no sign of ill-health - and in line for a presidential pardon. There is also Zuma's close ally, Bheki Cele, who he appointed National Police Commissioner despite being a career politician with virtually no policing experience on his curriculum vitae.

Then there was the appointment of Menzi Simelane as Head of the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) after former NPA head Vusi Pikoli had been paid off to prevent him challenging his trumped-up dismissal. By getting rid of the independently-minded Pikoli and taking the executive-minded Simelane on board, Zuma ensured there is no chance of corruption charges against him re-surfacing.

This is a textbook example of relying on a clique to maintain one's position. President Zuma has been following the established pattern. All power-abusing leaders know that when they have turned the Police, the Prosecuting Authority and the Intelligence Services into extensions of their personal power (instead of independent institutions that prevent them abusing their power) they are impervious to challenge.

5. Material interests

"The ultimate test of leadership includes striving for convergence between personal interests - material, status and otherwise - and the collective interest."

Clearly, Zuma has been unable to find this 'convergence'. On the contrary, he continues to use his position for personal gain. He has, in the past, developed dubious financial relationships with a host of people. Schabir Shaik is just the most well known example. There are others benefactors too, such as Don Mkhwanazi, Robert Gumede and Vivian Reddy who remain close to him. He made sure all three accompanied him on his state visit to London earlier this year.

Zuma's family also appear to be benefiting from their proximity to power - his son, Duduzani, was also on the London trip. It was revealed in March that Zuma's wives have stakes in at least 18 companies - some of which do business with the State. Zuma's business interests and those of his family therefore remain questionable. And, it is still unclear as to why Zuma only disclosed his interests - as he is legally obliged to do - 10 months after the deadline.

* * *

In conclusion, after a year in office, Zuma is out of his depth. He is paralysed by his own populism, he has failed to provide moral leadership and he has placed his own loyalists in control of key levers of power, to enrich and protect each other, and particularly himself.

President Zuma has failed the ANC's own leadership tests.  But, like so much else in the ANC, this test is merely rhetorical.  Realpolitik in the ANC is determined by the battle to control cadre deployment and benefit from corruption. And it cannot be challenged from within its own ranks.  That is why building a real alternative is so important.

This article by Helen Zille first appeared in SA Today, the weekly online newsletter of the leader of the Democratic Alliance

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